The Israeli Labour Party Slumps to a Record Low and the Arabs Save Meretz from Oblivion!
Cast your
mind back, if you can, to 1949, when the State of Israel held its first
elections. A mere year after the Nakba, when ¾ million Palestinians had been
expelled thus allowing Israel the ability to call itself both democratic and Jewish.
How a Labour Kibbutz shifted its votes since the 2015 general election |
In that
election Mapai, the Israeli Labour Party, gained 46 out of 120 seats in the Knesset.
In second place was Mapam, the United Workers Party, then in an alliance with
Ahdut Ha’avodah, a militaristic left-Zionist party with 19 seats giving the
parties of Labour Zionism an absolute majority.
20 years later the leadership of Ahdut, Israel Galili, Yitzhak Tabenkin
and Yigal Allon, would form the basis of the Greater Israel movement Gush
Emunim and abandon Labour Zionism for messianic colonisalism.
However the
leader of Mapai, David Ben Gurion preferred to form a coalition with the religious
parties since the definition of Jewish could not be a secular one and had to be
in the hands of the Orthodox.
Avi Gabbay of Israel's Labor Party and Yair Lapid of the 'centrist' Yesh Atid |
In the 1951
elections Mapai and Mapam lost 5 seats but they still had exactly half the
seats in the Knesset and in practice, with client Arab parties, an overall
majority. In 1955, after Ahdut had split with Mapam, the parties of Labour Zionism
had lost a further seat. In 1959 the Labour Zionist parties gained 63 seats
giving them an overall majority again.
In 1961 the Labour Zionist parties achieved 59 seats and in 1965 the
three Labour Zionist parties, which now included Rafi, Ben Gurion’s right-wing breakaway
from Mapai, totalled 63 seats. In 1969 the Israeli Labour Alignment, a merger
of all the Labour Zionist parties gained 56 seats, the highest number any party
has ever achieved in an Israeli election.
In 1973 the
Labour Alignment gained 51 seats to Likud’s 39 seats but in 1977, in the wake
of the Yom Kippur war, when Israel was taken by surprise by the joint attack of
Egypt and Syria, Likud gained 43 seats to Labour’s 32 and Menachem Begin formed
the first Likud government. Since then the Israeli Labour Party has only twice
formed a government on its own.
The first
such time was in 1992 when Yitzhak Rabin became Prime Minister. The Israeli Labour
Party gained 44 seats and Meretz (which included Mapam and other parties)
gained 12 seats. The government rested on the tacit backing of the Arab
parties.
Contrast this
with the recent election. The Israeli Labour Party gained just 6 seats in the
recent elections in comparison to the 24 seats it held as the Zionist Union
(with Tzipi Livini’s Hatnuah) in the 2015 Knesset. Meretz declined from 5 to
four seats.
The morning after - shell shocked Israeli Labor Party leaders gather |
So from a
high point of 65 seats in 1949, the parties of Labour Zionism have now slumped
to just 10 seats between them. What makes this even worse is that although
Meretz is a Zionist party, it relied heavily on Arab votes, about a quarter of
its total, in order to retain any seats in the Knesset. Meretz lost significant
support to Benjamin Gantz’s Kahol Lavan (Blue and White) Party. A Zionist party
that relies on Arab votes does not have a healthy or promising future
If it had
not been for a very significant
increase in votes from Israel’s Druze population in particular, which previously
voted for Likud and parties of the Zionist Right, Meretz would not have gained
any seats. This switch to Meretz was a consequence of Netanyahu’s decision to
introduce the Jewish Nation State Law last summer. In Kafr Qasem, the site of a
famous massacre
in 1956, Meretz gained 39% of the vote.
It wasn't Herut/Likud militias who perpetrated this massacre but those of the Labour Zionist militias |
Even members
of the Kibbutzim, the last reservoir of support for Labour Zionism in Israel voted
predominantly for Kahol Lavan on the basis of wanting to see Netanyahu removed.
Ideologically there is little or nothing now to distinguish Labour Zionism from
its centrist rivals.
What is the
explanation for this collapse in support for Labour Zionist parties? I suggest
it is a culmination of a series of factors. The Labour Zionist parties were
never socialist or even left-wing in the sense that is understood in the
West. Meretz is, at best, a party of civil
liberties but it doesn’t challenge the Zionist basis of the Israeli state. It
doesn’t like its more overt racist character but it signs up to Israel as a Jewish
state.
The Israeli
Labour Party today has no social base. Where once the major organisation of
Labour Zionism, Histadrut, a trade union which was also Israel’s second largest
employer, provided a comprehensive series of services such as a national health
service, today it is merely a conglomeration of individual unions. It’s industry has long been privatised.
The lack of
any socialist or left-wing ideology and any economic or social base has left it
rudderless, without a purpose. The ILP is not seen to stand for anything. This was one reason that in 2017 it elected
as its new leader, Avi Gabbay, the ex-CEO of Bezeq, Israel’s largest telecommunications
firm and a former Minister in Netanyahu’s government! Gabbay had only joined
the ILP three months before.
Gabbay’s strategy
was simple. To move the ILP further to
the right in order to compete with Likud.
He even took advice on this from Tony Blair! Gabbay announced that he
was opposed
to dismantling any settlements in the Occupied Territories and he supported
Netanyahu’s attempts to deport Israel’s 40,000 Black African refugees because
they constituted a ‘threat’
to Israel’s national identity, not being Jewish.
This
strategy has failed dismally. Netanyahu has demonstrated that when it comes to
staking out a position on the Right no one can beat him. Netanyahu was even responsible
for the election merger of Jewish Home and Otzma Yehudit, an openly racist
party of the late Meir Kahane, into the United Right party. This gave secular Israelis
even less reason to vote for the ILP, especially since Gabbay had told
his own party that the Left had forgotten what it is to be Jewish!
Gantz’s
Blue and White Party, led by former generals and Yair Lapid, leader of the ‘centrist’
Yesh Atid (in practice firmly on the right), was held together by only one
thing – opposition to Netanyahu. I
predict that it will not be long before this wholly artificial and unprincipled
alliance will haemorrhage members.
Avi Gabbay
will no doubt be despatched back to Bezeq but for the Israeli Labour Party the
problem still remain. What exactly does the Israeli Labour Party stand for? As Israel
moves further to the nationalist Right with a plurality
of Israeli Jews wanting to see Israel’s Arab citizens expelled, a sentiment
shared by Likud’s partners, Yisrael Beteinu and the United Right Party of
Bezalel Smotrich and Rafi Peretz, the old Labour Zionist ideals, which
represented collective colonialism, are now only of interest to historians.
Meretz also
faces a dilemma. A Zionist party relying
on the support of Israel’s Palestinians is a living contradiction! Meretz has never been a party of left activism
and it has never, for example supported Israel’s teenage refuseniks who refuse
to serve in the Occupied Territories. Merertz should consider the votes it
received in this election as being on loan only.
What
Meretz, which is committed to a two state solution will not face up to is that Israel
is now one state, from the Jordan to the sea. With nearly 5 million Palestinians
living under occupation it is an apartheid state. In these elections we had the
obscenity of 400 settlers in Hebron having the right to vote whilst the 200,000
Palestinians in Hebron had no vote.
Meretz has no answer to this or the fact that two legal systems operate
in the same area of land.
Meretz’s
problem stems from its desire to see a non-racist Zionism. A democratic Jewish state. These are impossible contradictions.
As Israel races
to the nationalist right its defenders in the West, from Donald Trump in the United
States to Theresa May and Tom Watson in Britain’s Labour Party have only one
answer – to accuse Israel’s critics of ‘anti-Semitism’.
Tony
Greenstein
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