Moshe
Machover and Tony Greenstein will speak on what the differences are between the
Jerusalem Declaration and the IHRA definitions of anti-Semitism
Register here for the meeting
The Jerusalem Declaration on Anti-Semitism was issued on March 25 2021. It had been a year
in gestation and was sponsored by Israel’s Van Leer Institute. The original
idea had been that the 8 people drawing it up should meet up in Jerusalem,
hence the name, but COVID-19 put paid to that.
I know of only 2 of the
7 academics and 1 journalist, David Feldman and Brian Klug. David Feldman, head of the (Pears) Institute
of Anti-Semitism at Birkbeck College is a Zionist who has moved to the right,
effectively accepting the anti-Semitism smear campaign in the Labour Party. I
have written a couple of articles, here and here. Needless to
say they are extremely critical of what I see as Feldman’s intellectual
dishonesty.
I know Brian Klug
better. He is a non-Zionist but as I wrote two years
ago “the false anti-Semitism juggernaut
seems to have impaired Brian’s critical faculties”. I was referring to an article by Brian
in the Jewish Quarterly ‘The Left and the
Jews.’ In it Brian discovered, without anything in the way of evidence,
that whilst the Zionists’ anti-Semitism campaign in the Labour Party was about
Zionism, the ‘grounds for disquiet go deep and they go back a long way”. In
fact they went back to June 1975 and UN resolution 3379, which declared that “Zionism is a form of racism”. Brian saw
this as rendering Zionism “evil” and that was why the Board of Deputies and all
the gaggle of Zionist organisations had it in for Corbyn!
Like so many
intellectuals when under political pressure Brian gave way. Zionism is a form of racism and Israel is its
true expression. The reasons for the campaign against Corbyn had nothing to do
with UN Resolution 3379.
I recalled in my article on David Feldman’s political cowardice the case of
Victor Klemperer,
a Professor at the Technical University of Dresden. He had converted to
Christianity but he was considered by the Nazis as a Jew racially. He was
fortunate in that being married to an Aryan he was a Privileged Jew and thus
exempt from deportation. In fact the Nazis tried to reverse this but the protest
at Rosenstrasse by
their non-Jewish wives caused Goebbels to reverse their arrest by the Gestapo.
Under the April 1933 Law for the Restoration of
the Professional Civil Service academics were considered civil
servants. This led to the dismissal of Jewish academics. Klemperer was ‘lucky’.
He was not immediately dismissed because he was a decorated veteran of the
1914-1918 War and President Hindenburg had insisted that Jewish veterans be
excluded from the provisions of the Act.
However Hindenburg died
in August 1934. At the end of April 1935 Klemperer was dismissed. Richard Evans
describes how, when Klemperer was dismissed ‘none of his colleagues did anything to help him; the only sympathy came
from a secretary.’ [The Third Reich in Power p.568] This behaviour was true
of most of German intellectuals, most of whom swore fealty to the Nazis.
In other words most academics like a quiet life and are more
than willing to trim their views to the current political climate.
Unfortunately Brian was not immune from this.
Nonetheless both Brian Klug and David Feldman have performed
an important service by being part of the team that produced the Jerusalem
Declaration on Anti-Semitism. It is not,
as I have already written, perfect
by any means but it is, unlike the IHRA, about
anti-Semitism not anti-Zionism.
What has been its
reception by our enemies, since that is the test of whether or not it is
useful? The bourgeois media has been
totally silent on it after having been so voluble about Labour ‘anti-Semitism’. Strange that. Jonathan Freedland seems to
have gone quiet. The Zionist reaction has also been muted. There has been
nothing said by the Board of Deputies.
However a number of
bodies have made their views felt and it has all been negative. Ben Cohen in
the Jewish News Syndicate
dismissed it as Yet another attempt to sanitize anti-Zionism. Dave
Rich of Mossad’s Community Security Trust has been particularly busy. His
article ‘We don’t need another definition
of Jew hate’ appeared in the Jewish Chronicle
and in Algemeiner, an
American Zionist rag, as ‘Why the Flawed ‘Jerusalem
Declaration on Antisemitism’ Risks Setting Back Efforts to Fight Antisemitism’.
Interestingly when I
posted a comment in the latter publication they refused to put it up. The Jewish
Chronicle also refused to print a letter by Tony Klug in response to Rich. I guess Zionists don’t do debate.
Fathom, the Zionists’ main theoretical journal
published an article by Cary
Nelson entitled ‘Accommodating the New Antisemitism: a Critique of ‘The
Jerusalem Declaration’. After prompting by me they did at least publish a
reply. It is the only response so I guess Fathom doesn’t have a wide
circulation!
I thought as preparation for my talk tomorrow
that it would be useful to publish an article on the IHRA and its origin.
The IHRA – Its
Structure and Origins
The
first thing to be said about the IHRA is that it rests on one simple assumption. It is that criticism of Israel is motivated
by anti-Semitism unless the person accused can demonstrate otherwise. So for
example you might be a trenchant critic of Israel’s theft and confiscation of
Palestinian land, its demolition of Palestinian homes and its treatment of
Palestinian children.
However
unless you can demonstrate that you are prepared to criticise the Chinese and
Burmese governments, to name but two, then you are guilty of ‘double standards’
and thus you are an anti-Semite.
Of
course you may criticise Israel exclusively because you are a Palestinian who
has just lost her home or her children to Israeli snipers or both. You may be a child of Palestinian refugees
with a burning sense of injustice but unless you have been a member of the
Venezuela Solidarity Campaign you are an anti-Semite!
It
is clear or should be to all but the narrowest of minds that whether or not you
criticise Israel to the exclusion of all other issues has nothing to do with
anti-Semitism. I concentrate on Israel, not because I love Burma or Egypt or
any other ally of Israel but because, being Jewish, I take exception to the
Israeli state claiming that its actions are undertaken on my behalf.
The
IHRA Definition first saw light of day when the European Union Monitoring
Committee [EUMC] issued the Working Definition of
Anti-Semitism [WDA] in January 2005. In 2009 the EUMC was replaced
by the Fundamental Rights Agency which, in 2013 decided it would
no longer host the WDA on its website.
The
idea for a definition that conflated anti-Semitism with anti-Zionism originated
with Dinah Porat, Chief Historian at Israel’s Yad Vashem Holocaust Propaganda
Museum and then at Tel Aviv University’s Kantor Centre for the Study of Contemporary Jewry.
 |
| Poland's Anti-Semitic President - Mateusz Morawiecki |
Porat
was someone who would later put the seal of approval
on Netanyahu’s sordid deal with the far-Right Polish Government over a 2018 law
which made any reference to Polish complicity in
the holocaust a criminal offence.
Even
Yehuda Bauer, the most prominent Zionist Holocaust historian condemned the deal as ‘collaboration’ in ‘Holocaust
distortion’.
“It’s
a betrayal of the memory of the Holocaust and the interest of the Jewish
people. And the reason for it is entirely pragmatic: the diplomatic, political,
and economic ties between the Israeli government and the government of Poland.”
At
a conference ‘The Working Definition of
Antisemitism - Six Years After’ organised by the Stephen Roth
Institute, Mike Whine explained that the reasons for creating the
WDA were
‘the demonization and
disproportionate criticism of Israel which masqueraded as anti-Zionism, and
which came increasingly from Muslims’.
Kenneth
Stern of the American Jewish Committee, the WDA’s principal drafter, confessed
that he was at first sceptical, quoting U.S. Supreme Court Justice Potter
Stewart that although obscenity was difficult to define, “I know it when I see it.”.
My
father who took part in the Battle of Cable Street against the Oswald Moseley’s
British Union of Fascists
didn’t need a definition of anti-Semitism to know what he was fighting! This should be our first question. Why is there a need for a definition?
Stern
claimed in a
paper ‘The WDA – A Reappraisal’
at a Conference The WDA – 6 Years
in August-September 2010 that the problem was that the EUMC had defined
anti-Semitism in terms of Jewish stereotypes. a ‘clunker of
a definition’. He gave as an example of the problem what if
someone attacked a Jew because they held to traditional stereotypes of Jews (corrupt,
conspiratorial etc.) That was clearly anti-Semitic. However if they were
attacked because of what Israel had done then that was not anti-Semitic.
Stern believed it was ‘crazy’ to focus on the motive of the
attacker. What mattered was the fact of the attack. The problem with this is
that if a Jew is attacked, not because s/he is Jewish but as part of a random
street attack then clearly that isn’t anti-Semitic. Motive is vital.
The solution
to Stern’s non-problem lies in what most people understand as anti-Semitism, the
Oxford English Dictionary definition ‘hostility to or prejudice against Jewish
people’ has been extended by the JDA to ‘discrimination,
prejudice, hostility or violence against Jews as Jews (or Jewish institutions
as Jewish).’
If someone
attacks someone because they are Jewish, then that is anti-Semitism. This includes if they are attacked because
of what Israel has done.
What Stern doesn’t say, because it formed a
consensus at the conference, was the Zionist need to label anti-Zionist and
Palestine solidarity activity, in particular BDS, as anti-Semitic. Stern never
explained how creating a definition that included a Jew being attacked on the
streets of Paris ‘as a stand-in for an
Israeli’ was solved by creating a definition whose illustrations of
anti-Semitism included
‘denying the Jewish people
the right to self-determination or
‘Applying double standards by requiring of it a
behavior not expected or demanded of any other democratic nation.’
This
argument over ‘double standards’ has a long pedigree. Apologists for Apartheid in
South Africa were forever complaining of the hypocrisy of those who attacked it
but not surrounding Black states with worse human rights records. India says the
same today over Kashmir. Every
repressive regime and state believes it’s being singled out unfairly. If
Stern’s logic holds true then all international solidarity work is racist.
The list of
speakers at this Conference included
Graciela Ben Dror from the Jewish only religious settlement of Moreshet in the
Northern Galilee. If you go to the website of this settlement you read that
their Community Rabbi ‘Rabbi Yitzchak Cohen,(is) a graduate of the Mercaz HaRav and Ateret Cohanim Yishivot.’ It is
difficult to find two more racist Orthodox Jewish religious institutions in
Israel.
Mercaz
HaRav has produced a generation of racist rabbis such as Moshe Levinger and
Shmuel Eliyahu. The Ateret Cohanim
are messianic madmen who want to construct the Third Temple and demolish the
Mosque of the Golden Dome and Al Aqsa. They are engaged in ethnically cleansing
East Jerusalem of Palestinians through the use of subterfuge, forged documents
and using the Absentee Property Law which enabled the confiscation of land and
property from Israeli Arabs who were not expelled in 1948. In the Orwellian language
of this Act they were ‘present-absentees’.
Like all colonial peoples they were present but absent and invisible.
The
list of sponsors of this conference included Israel’s Ministry of Foreign
Affairs, Israel’s Ministry of Public Affairs and the Diaspora, the Kantor
Centre and the World Zionist Organisation. The only sponsor from outside
Israel, the Jews they were allegedly concerned about, was the US Joint
Distribution Committee.
 |
| Tammi Rossman-Benjamin of the McCarthyist Amcha Initiative |
I don’t doubt
Stern’s personal sincerity when he says he opposes the use of the IHRA for
anything other than the collection of data on anti-Semitic attacks, but he is a
good man who has fallen among thieves. He is also remarkably naive. Stern said that some
Jewish groups were using the WDA in an ‘inappropriate
way’. But is that surprising given the bona fides of those who organised
the conference?
Stern has
come under criticism from right-wing Zionists like Tammi Rossman-Benjamin,
whose Amcha Initiative sought to prevent
Israeli Professor Ilan Pappe speaking at California State University.
When
Stern co-signed a statement with Cary Nelson, President of the American
Association of University Professors, suggesting that supporters of Israel were
using the WDA to impose censorship on campus he was criticised by the
AJC as ‘ill-advised’. Stern has recoiled
from the Frankenstein he had helped create.
Stern has spent much of
the past decade criticising the ‘abuse’ of the WDA/IHRA. In testimony to Congress
in November 2017 he argued that ‘The
definition was not drafted, and was never intended, as a tool to target or chill speech on a college campus.’ Perhaps not in
his eyes but that was certainly not how his fellow Zionists saw it.
Stern stated that ‘if one
has the task of collecting data on antisemitism, it is unworkable to require a
clear view of what is in the mind of any actor’ yet that is precisely what the IHRA/WDA does do. It sets a number of political
tests of peoples’ views, such as do you think there is any comparison between
Israel and Nazi Germany or do you think Israel is a racist state and concludes
from that that they are anti-Semitic. Why else include amongst the 11 ‘illustrations of
anti-Semitism’ 7 which single out criticism of Israel?
Stern is offended at the
way that the IHRA has been used, singling out as ‘most egregious, an off-campus group’
the Campaign Against Anti-Semitism which called on
Professor Rachel Gould’s employer, Bristol University, to dismiss her for
writing an article Beyond Anti-Semitism on how the holocaust intimidates critics of Israel.
Stern followed this up
with an article which talked about ‘the chilling of expressions that pro-Israel
Jews find disturbing’ and how right-wing Jews were weaponising his
definition.
The IHRA Rises from the Ashes of the WDA
Following the disavowal of
the WDA by the FRA it appeared that the WDA had died a death. It had met with opposition
in universities and the lecturers union, the Association of University
Teachers, passed policy opposing it. Yet in 2016, like Dracula’s undead, the
WDA was reborn as the IHRA’s Working Definition of
Anti-Semitism.
The IHRA is an
inter-governmental body of 31 states. Its adoption of the WDA was first announced
on May 11 2016 in a scrappy press release from the Chair of its Plenary in
Bucharest. The WDA was a definition that anti-Semitic governments
in Hungary and Poland were more than happy with. Donald Trump used an Executive
Order to try and incorporate it into Title VI of the Civil Rights Act. This is
the same man who described
neo-Nazis in Charlottesville as ‘fine
people’ whilst telling four Black
Congress members to ‘go back home’
whilst simultaneously condemning them
for ‘anti-Semitism’! Trump’s support for the IHRA didn’t prevent him telling American
Jews that they were disloyal to Israel which was their ‘real home’.
The IHRA Definition of Anti-Semitism
The IHRA definition is almost exactly
identical to the WDA. The actual definition consists of 38 words. It comes with
a statement that it is a ‘non-legally
binding working definition of antisemitism’.
The adoption by the IHRA of the WDA was
a breakthrough in the Zionist movement’s battle against BDS. Since 2016 the IHRA has been used throughout
Europe and the United States as a means of attacking BDS. That is its main
purpose.
The reasons for the IHRA’s success
are political. The WDA is incoherent, contradictory, vague and even
anti-Semitic. It adds nothing to the debate on anti-Semitism. It is or should
be obvious that a 500+ word ‘definition’ is, by definition, not a definition!
The IHRA’s adoption is testimony to the
strategic importance of Israel in Western foreign policy and the desire of imperialism
to put debate about the legitimacy of the West’s settler watchdog beyond the
bounds of acceptable discourse. It is there to close down debate.
Opposition to ‘anti-Semitism’
provides a moral legitimacy to Western imperialism. European leaders can
proudly boast of their opposition to anti-Semitism whilst criminalising
those who rescue refugees from drowning. The lessons of the holocaust don’t
extend to refugees or to the fact that if the gates of the USA and Britain had
been open during the war far fewer Jews would have died.
The IHRA has proved politically useful
to the Labour Right. Why? Because it plays to the deep fissures on the left caused
by identity politics. Because the majority of Western Jews define themselves as
Zionists many have come to see criticism of Zionism and Israel as an attack on their
identity and therefore anti-Semitic. There is nothing new in this. Critics of South
Africa’s Apartheid used to be accused of being ‘anti-White’.
Racism has been redefined. Instead of
being an attack on someone because of fixed and unchangeable characteristics,
it is now an attack on peoples’ identity. This is the poisonous legacy of
identity politics.
So if the majority of Jews adopt an
identity based on support for a racist state then anti-Zionism is redefined as
anti-Semitism. Israel becomes the Jew among the nations.
Using this ‘logic’ opposition to the
Hindu supremacist regime of Narendra Modi’s BJP in India makes one Hinduphobic. This is precisely what is being argued by
Hindu racists who declare that
opposition to the occupation of Kashmir makes one Hinduphobic. Keir Starmer has
accepted this by
reversing Labour’s policy supporting Kashmiri self-determination.
If there had been a large number of
White South African émigrés in Britain then they could have claimed that being
anti-Apartheid was racist because it denied them the right to define their own
identity. Apartheid, like Zionism, believed in ‘separate development’.
So popular is the fight against
‘anti-Semitism’ these days that fascists and racists from Trump and Steve Bannon to
Germany’s neo-Nazi AfD and Tommy Robinson
all oppose it. Even Richard Spencer, neo-Nazi founder of the alt-Right declares
himself a White Zionist.
When people hear the word ‘anti-Semitism’ they think ‘holocaust’.
What better way to rebut criticism than to associate your opponent with the
holocaust? When the Labour Right attacked Corbyn they weaponised anti-Semitism.
Corbyn became, in the words of Margaret Hodge, a ‘fucking anti-Semite’ even though according to John Bercow, former Jewish Speaker of
the House of Commons, there wasn’t ‘a
whiff of anti-Semitism’ about him. It was easier to attack the left for ‘anti-Semitism’
than for opposing austerity. Anti-Semitism provided the Right with a moral narrative
that being pro-austerity didn’t give them. As Marx explained the
ruling ideas in every epoch are the ideas of its ruling class, however
illogical they may be!
Only this explains the wall
to wall support from the British media - from the Sun to the BBC and Guardian -
for what Stern called the
‘bastardised’ version the IHRA. The successful deployment of the IHRA involved the
use of the 11 illustrations in isolation. I wrote to Stern and asked him
whether or not the IHRA had ever been intended to become a tool with which to
brand individuals as anti-Semitic. In
his response Stern referred me to his book where he stated
that
The purpose of the definition, of course, was not to
label anyone an antisemite but rather to guide data collectors.
The problem is that by having 11
illustrations that define anti-Semitism in terms of anti-Zionism the WDA inevitably
became a means of branding people as anti-Semitic.
The IHRA and Identity Politics
The IHRA has been universally panned.
Those who defend it do it subjectively
and relying on emotion. Hannah Weizfeld of the liberal Zionist Yachad wrote that
‘when Jewish communities
call for Labour to adopt the IHRA definition of antsemitism they are not
allowed to define their own oppression.’
Or as MI5’s man on the
Guardian Jonathan Freedland put it
On the left, black people
are usually allowed to define what’s racism; women can define sexism; Muslims
are trusted to define Islamophobia. But when Jews call out something as
antisemitic, leftist non-Jews feel curiously entitled to tell Jews they’re
wrong.
Freedland makes a
profession of dishonest journalism. Noone says Black people can define racism
in isolation because Black people are not homogenous. Nor are women or Muslims. To argue that Jews
are all of one mind is in itself anti-Semitic.
But of course people can
define themselves how they want. What is really meant is that we have to accept
that definition! The defence of the IHRA has been waged, not over its substance
but in terms of identity politics and guilt-tripping. It can’t be defended rationally.
The problem is that the
IHRA definition of anti-Semitism rests upon denying Palestinians the right to
define their identity in terms of Israel/Zionism. So Weizfeld/Freedland’s
argument is also racist.
There is no proof that
the ‘Jewish community’ supports the IHRA or that they have even discussed it. I
doubt 1% have read it! But even if Freedland were right then most Jews are simply
wrong. And of course the IHRA is opposed by left-wing anti-racist Jews.
When many Muslims said that Satanic Verses offended them and defined
it as racist, western liberals, including Freedland, talked about free speech.
When Charlie Hebdo published images poking fun at the prophet Mohammad, the
Washington Post declared that:
‘public
opinion from Paris to Palo Alto insisted that the paper had a right to publish
whatever it pleased’ regardless of whether it was offensive.’
When Muslim identity is
attacked then it is a question of free speech but when Jewish identity is criticised
its ‘anti-Semitic’. Why?
Identity politics assumes
one a single identity for a defined group of people. These identities are socially
constructed and usually imposed. Indians for Labour and South Asia Solidarity Group [LSASG] said:
The mention of
‘Hinduphobia’.. and the parallels drawn between this and anti-Semitism, are
deeply worrying given that this idea has been propagated by the BJP and their
supporters in India to shut down dissent and criticism of their fascistic
measures.
Just as Jews opposed to
the IHRA were the ‘wrong sort of Jews’
so it is with Indians opposed to the BJP. Starmer orientates to the most
reactionary Indians just as he does with Jews. Opposition to Hindu racism towards
Dalits and Muslims is defined as ‘Hinduphobia.’ The LSASG go on to say that ‘The terms ‘Hinduphobia’ and ‘anti-Hindu’
have, in fact, been used to justify Islamophobia and repression in India.’ Just like ‘anti-Semitism’ justifies
anti-Palestinian racism.
Identity politics are a
substitute for reasoned argument, resting on tribal identity. Despite the
Establishment consensus in favour of the IHRA, academics and lawyers are almost
unanimously opposed to it.
The IHRA has been contested by Brian
Klug, David Feldman, and Antony Lerman; and jurists such as Hugh Tomlinson QC, Stephen Sedley, Geoffrey Bindman QC, and Geoffrey Robertson
QC.
Tomlinson described the
IHRA as ‘vague’ and ‘confusing’, that
it
‘lacks
clarity and comprehensiveness’ and has a ‘potential chilling effect on public bodies.’
Lerman, stated that
‘Not only is there now overwhelming
evidence that it’s not fit for purpose, but it also has the effect of making
Jews more vulnerable to antisemitism, not less.’
Sir
Geoffrey Bindman described the 38 word IHRA definition as
‘poorly drafted, misleading, and in
practice has led to the suppression of legitimate debate and freedom of
expression.
Stephen
Sedley, a Jewish former Court of Appeal Judge
said the IHRA ‘fails the
first test of any definition: it is indefinite. He also described it as
‘placing the historical,
political, military and humanitarian uniqueness of Israel’s occupation and
colonisation of Palestine beyond permissible criticism.’
David
Feldman described it as ‘bewilderingly imprecise”. Geoffrey
Robertson QC stated
that it would ‘chill free speech’ and that it was ‘not fit for
purpose’
The IHRA, Its
Structure and Contradictions
The IHRA is divided into 3 parts
1.
The first part is the 38 word definition
“Antisemitism is a certain perception of Jews, which may be expressed as
hatred toward Jews. Rhetorical and physical manifestations of antisemitism are
directed toward Jewish or non-Jewish individuals and/or their property, toward
Jewish community institutions and religious facilities.”
2.
The second part, consisting of 3 paragraphs,
introduces the 11 examples of ‘contemporary anti-Semitism’ which ‘could’ be
anti-Semitic. It begins by saying that manifestations of
anti-Semitism
‘might
include the targeting of the state of Israel, conceived as a Jewish collectivity.
However, criticism of Israel similar to that leveled against any other country
cannot be regarded as antisemitic.’
3.
The third part consists of the 11
examples. There are also 3 concluding paragraphs which are statements of the
obvious
The 38 word definition is
a model of ambiguity. Anti-Semitism is defined as ‘a
certain perception of Jews’ but it avoids telling us what that perception
is. It says that it ‘may be expressed as
hatred toward Jews’. What else might it be expressed as. Anti-Zionism?
Ironically the IHRA raises the bar very high to genuine anti-Semitism - hatred.
According to the IHRA if someone simply dislikes the company of Jews that is not
anti-Semitic. What kind of definition of anti-Semitism gives equal place to
non-Jews and associative discrimination?
Even worse the definition defines anti-Semitism in
terms of anti-Semitism! What are these ‘rhetorical
and physical manifestations’? Would
a picket of the Board of Deputies by anti-Zionist Jews count?
So useless is the actual definition that Cary
Nelson, when defending the IHRA, admits
that
the brief opening preamble
definition, much criticised as being vague and unusable, is not in fact being
used. It is not really meant to be used.
The second part of the IHRA, which puts conditions
on the illustrations is also ignored in practice. It says that the behaviour in
question ‘may’ or ‘could’ be anti-Semitic. This is hardly a
definition. It asserts that Israel is ‘conceived
as a Jewish collectivity’. That is a political statement contested by the
very existence of a Jewish diaspora. If Israel does represent Jews collectively
then Jews are not true citizens of the states they live in. This is normally understood
as being anti-Semitic!
This section also limits criticism of Israel to criticism ‘similar to that leveled against any other country.’ The problem is that Israel is not like
any other country. There is no Israeli nationality. Which other countries occupy
other peoples’ lands or declare that the
State represents only part of its population? The IHRA therefore prevents
anything but the most anodyne criticism of Israel.
The Illustrations
The most poisonous part
of the IHRA lies in the 11 illustrations of anti-Semitism. Not only the 7
examples which mention Israel but the other 4 examples are also problematic:
 |
The first illustration of
anti-Semitism is harming or killing Jews ‘in
the name of a radical ideology or an extremist view of religion’. What
about if Jews are killed in the name of a conservative ideology or moderate
view of religion? It is clear that the authors had Political Islam not White
Supremacy in mind.
The second example talks
of ‘Making mendacious, dehumanizing,
demonizing, or stereotypical allegations about Jews’ and their power as a
collective. But Zionist lobby groups like AIPAC openly boast about how they buy influence. In Al Jazeera’s
documentary
leaders of the pro-Israel
lobby speak openly about how they use money to influence the
political process, in ways so blunt that if the comments were made by critics,
they’d be charged with anti-Semitism.
Jewish groups defend AIPAC in the name of Jews. If people get
the idea that Jews are powerful then it’s not hard to work out where they get that
idea from. Israel calls itself a Jewish state and projects an image of military
might. Is it any wonder that some people talk about Jewish power? Most
anti-Semitic stereotypes today are a product of Zionist claims.
The 4th example
defines Holocaust denial as anti-Semitic. Unfortunately Holocaust denial has
spread beyond the neo-Nazi fringe. In Arab and third world countries holocaust
denial is functional, a reaction to Israel’s use of the holocaust as a propaganda
weapon. In India the kindle version of Mein Kampf became the 11th best selling book for
Amazon. Are all these readers anti-Semites?
The 5th example
merely repeats the 4th example in a different form.
The 6th example
claims that accusing Jews of being more loyal to Israel than their own nations
is anti-Semitic. One wonders where this idea arose if not from the Zionist
claim that Israel is the state of all Jews, not just those who live there. Jonathan
Pollard, the Israeli spy gaoled for 30 years in America, recently claimed that Jews
‘will always have dual loyalty whether
they know it or not.’
In 2013 Israel’s
immigrant absorption and foreign ministries distributed a questionnaire to
Israelis in the USA and American Jews asking them where
their allegiance would lie in the case of a crisis between the two countries.
Dual loyalty is inherent in Zionism.
The 7th
example is a non-sequitur:
‘Denying the Jewish people
their right to self-determination, e.g., by claiming that the existence of a
State of Israel is a racist endeavor’
It is replete with assumptions
such as whether there is one single Jewish people, an anti-Semitic concept. Even
if Jews were one nation, since when is opposition to self-determination racist?
Is it racist to oppose Scottish independence? These are political questions.
But even if you support Jewish self-determination you can still believe that Israel
is a racist state. The IHRA is intellectually threadbare.
Israel encourages Jews
all over the world to live in there yet at the same time refuses to allow the
Palestinians to return because Jews would be outnumbered. What is that if not
racist?
The 8th
example says it is anti-Semitic to apply double standards by requiring Israel
to behave in a way not required ‘of any
other democratic nation.’ But Israel is not like any other democratic
nation. Everything in Israel, from education to land, is segregated. Israel is
a modern version of America’s Deep South.
The 9th example appears,
at first sight, innocuous.
Using the
symbols and images associated with classic antisemitism... to characterize
Israel or Israelis.’
Jews in the Middle Ages
were accused of poisoning wells and killing non-Jewish children. That was anti-Semitic.
However Israel does poison
Palestinian water sources. In 1948 it infected the water
of Acre with typhoid. Israel does kill Palestinian children in large
numbers. The IHRA treats Israel as an individual Jew but states are not human
beings. You can’t be racist towards a state.
The 10th
example says that ‘Drawing comparisons of
contemporary Israeli policy to that of the Nazis’ is anti-Semitic.’ So if
mobs of Israelis chant ‘death to the
Arabs’ one may not compare that to mobs in Europe who shouted ‘death to the Jews’. When Professor
Ze’ev Sternhell wrote an article comparing
Israel to Nazi Germany was he, a child survivor of a Nazi ghetto in Poland, an
anti-Semite? Comparisons between Israel and the Nazis are inevitable. Israel
uses the holocaust as a justification continually. How else would Israel
justify denying access to 93% of its land to non-Jews?
There are many comparisons
between pre-1939 Nazi Germany and Israel. Israel, like Nazi Germany, is an
ethno nationalist state. The French Revolution overthrew the idea of religious
states in favour of a separation between church and state. The Israeli state is
a throwback to the feudal era in the age of imperialism.
Geoffrey Alderman, the historian of
British Jewry poured scorn on the IHRA. Alderman noted
that many countries have been accused of behaving like Nazis. President Nasser
was accused of being the ‘Hitler on the
Nile.’ Tom Segev, an Israeli historian observed:
All Israeli governments have
used the Holocaust as a political argument. Every Arab leader since 1948 has
been compared at least once to Hitler. All Arab countries have compared Israel
to the Nazis.
Netanyahu even claimed that Hitler would never have perpetrated
the holocaust but for the Palestinian Mufti of Jerusalem.
The 11th and
final example holds that it is anti-Semitic to hold Jews ‘collectively responsible for actions of the state of Israel.’ I
agree, but who is responsible for this if not Israel which claims to act on
behalf of all Jews? The Board of Deputies organised
demonstrations on behalf of British Jews in support of Israel’s attacks on Gaza.
If it is anti-Semitic to blame Jews for the actions of Israel then it is
equally anti-Semitic to claim that British Jews collectively support Israel.
With the IHRA Zionism is trying
to have its cake and eat it. Their purpose is as transparent as it is
dishonest. One of the mysteries about the IHRA is how Kenneth Stern, who is
clearly an anti-racist, came to construct such an incoherent, contradictory and
even anti-Semitic definition of anti-Semitism. And having done so, he turned around
and complained that it was being used to chill free speech!
The answer lies in the
fact that Kenneth Stern is a liberal Zionist. He sincerely condemns White
supremacy in the United States. He values academic freedom and sees the monster
that he has created as threatening it. On the other hand he turns a blind eye
to the reality of what Israel has become, which is an openly apartheid society
where it is taken for granted that if Israel annexes part of the West Bank then
Palestinians living there will not become
Israeli citizens.
Tony Greenstein
