Showing posts with label Nablus. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Nablus. Show all posts

26 January 2024

Day of Judgement for the International Court of Justice

October 7 Seen in Context 

UPDATE

Well the decision of the ICJ is now out. It is better than I had hoped for but my prediction that the Court would balk at taking the decisive step of ordering Israel to desist by issuing an injunction has proven correct.

The decisiveness of the 15-2 majorities surprised me. On one vote even Israel’s Aharon Barak voted with the majority yet Uganda’s vile Christian Judge Julia Sebutinde voted against anything that might relieve the present catastrophic situation.

But at the end of the day Israel has said it doesn’t accept the vote and the United States, its main backer has said nothing. Western talk of human rights is now shown to be a sham.

In accepting that there is a ‘plausible’case for genocide this is clearly a victory for South Africa and the Palestinians. It is just a pity that they judges of the ICJ didn’t have the courage of their convictions.

Tony Greenstein 

ICJ: Blinne Ní Ghrálaigh's powerful closing statement in South Africa case against Israel


Today is the day that the International Court of Justice makes its decision. I hesitate to speculate as to what the decision might be. Will they issue an interim injunction to Israel to desist from its genocidal activities or will it end up with a fudge or compromise instructing Israel to protect the civilian population and take more care. In which case Israel will proclaim that they are already doing that. 

I hesitate to make a prediction but nonetheless I will. The Court has come under an immense amount of political pressure.  The United States has already said that the case that South Africa has brought to be ‘“meritless, counterproductive, and completely without any basis in fact whatsoever.”. The UK under Sunak has played its traditional role, which is one of being America’s faithful lapdog and Keir Starmer has played his normal role of follow my leader.

https://twitter.com/SaraYafi/status/1750506900163363049?s=20

<blockquote class="twitter-tweet"><p lang="en" dir="ltr">Happy to report that this video garnered more than 100,000 views within the first couple of hours on IG. <br><br>Over the last 111 days, since October 7, Isræl has consistently denied targeting civilians. Well, in this video, I am going to show you that in the history of its… <a href="https://t.co/076QZ2QcYp">pic.twitter.com/076QZ2QcYp</a></p>&mdash; Sara El-Yafi (@SaraYafi) <a href="https://twitter.com/SaraYafi/status/1750506900163363049?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">January 25, 2024</a></blockquote> <script async src="https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script>

Well the decision of the ICJ is now out. It is better than I had hoped for but my prediction that the Court would balk at taking the decisive step of ordering Israel to desist by issuing an injunction has proven correct.

The decisiveness of the 15-2 majorities surprised me. On one vote even Israel’s Aharon Barak voted with the majority yet Uganda’s vile Christian Judge Julia Sebutinde voted against anything that might relieve the present catastrophic situation.

But at the end of the day Israel has  said it doesn’t accept the vote and the United States, its main backer has said nothing. Western talk of human rights is now shown to be a sham.

In accepting that there is a ‘plausible’case for genocide this is clearly a victory for South Africa and the Palestinians. It is just a pity that they judges of the ICJ didn’t have the courage of their convictions.

Tony Greenstein

 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ttrJd2aWF-Y

ICJ: Blinne Ní Ghrálaigh's powerful closing statement in South Africa case against Israel

https://twitter.com/adoniaayebare/status/1750895305753850001?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1750895305753850001%7Ctwgr%5Eb03652460355af52cf44a34a04c7002c8502e227%7Ctwcon%5Es1_&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.aljazeera.com%2Fnews%2F2024%2F1%2F26%2Fwho-is-julia-sebutinde-the-judge-against-all-icj-rulings-in-israels-case

<blockquote class="twitter-tweet"><p lang="en" dir="ltr">Justice Sebutinde ruling at the International Court of Justice does not represent the Government of Uganda’s position on the situation in Palestine. She has previously voted against Uganda’s case on DRC. Uganda’s support for the plight of the Palestinian people has been expressed…</p>&mdash; Adonia Ayebare (@adoniaayebare) <a href="https://twitter.com/adoniaayebare/status/1750895305753850001?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">January 26, 2024</a></blockquote> <script async src="https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script>

 

Today is the day that the International Court of Justice makes its decision. I hesitate to speculate as to what the decision might be. Will they issue an interim injunction to Israel to desist from its genocidal activities or will it end up with a fudge or compromise instructing Israel to protect the civilian population and take more care. In which case Israel will proclaim that they are already doing that.

I hesitate to make a prediction but nonetheless I will. The Court has come under an immense amount of political pressure.  The United States has already said that the case that South Africa has brought to be ‘“meritless, counterproductive, and completely without any basis in fact whatsoever.”. The UK under Sunak has played its traditional role, which is one of being America’s faithful lapdog and Keir Starmer has played his normal role of follow my leader.

https://twitter.com/SaraYafi/status/1750506900163363049?s=20

<blockquote class="twitter-tweet"><p lang="en" dir="ltr">Happy to report that this video garnered more than 100,000 views within the first couple of hours on IG. <br><br>Over the last 111 days, since October 7, Isræl has consistently denied targeting civilians. Well, in this video, I am going to show you that in the history of its… <a href="https://t.co/076QZ2QcYp">pic.twitter.com/076QZ2QcYp</a></p>&mdash; Sara El-Yafi (@SaraYafi) <a href="https://twitter.com/SaraYafi/status/1750506900163363049?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">January 25, 2024</a></blockquote> <script async src="https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script>


ICJ: Blinne Ní Ghrálaigh's powerful closing statement in South Africa case against Israel 

Today is the day that the International Court of Justice makes its decision. I hesitate to speculate as to what the decision might be. Will they issue an interim injunction to Israel to desist from its genocidal activities or will it end up with a fudge or compromise instructing Israel to protect the civilian population and take more care. In which case Israel will proclaim that they are already doing that.

I hesitate to make a prediction but nonetheless I will. The Court has come under an immense amount of political pressure.  The United States has already said that the case that South Africa has brought to be ‘“meritless, counterproductive, and completely without any basis in fact whatsoever.”. The UK under Sunak has played its traditional role, which is one of being America’s faithful lapdog and Keir Starmer has played his normal role of follow my leader.

There is no doubt that if the decision were made on purely legal grounds then South Africa would win hands down. That is the opinion of international law experts. However this is not a court that bases its decisions on legality. It is a political court and its judges are political appointees.

Therefore, although I would love the court to come to a clear-cut decision instructing Israel to stop its genocidal attacks my fear is that the court will fudge the decision and engage in meaningless soundbites. It will criticize Israel without having the courage to issue an injunction instructing it to stop the genocide that is taking place.

Children About To Be Shot

I sincerely hope that I am wrong but I fear otherwise. Israel has already made it crystal clear that it will defy an injunction to stop committing genocide. That means a decision instructing it to desist from further military activities it will go to the Security Council for enforcement.

The United States will then veto the resolution and under the Uniting for Peace resolution 377 (V) it will then go to the General Assembly. It is anyone’s guess what could happen then but theoretically the General Assembly could suspend Israel’s membership of the United Nations. If Israel was suspended it is likely that the United States would walk out and the British poodle could follow them.

This scenario must be playing on the minds of the ICJ which is why I don’t believe that they will deliver the verdict that most people want. No one doubts that legally South Africa has clearly met the test of showing intent on Israel’s part to commit genocide. Indeed it is already doing just that and its spokespersons, from the President and Prime Minister down have made their genocidal intentions clear to all.

No one doubts that Irish lawyer Blinne Ni Ghralaigh made a devastating closing speech. If it was simply about the case that South Africa made then it would win hands down but my fear is that this court will allow political considerations to intervene.

Murder of Man With White Flag

If however the ICJ does do as I predict then that will be seen as the death of international human rights law. If the highest court in the world cannot implement the law when there is such an egregious example of genocide taking place under its very eyes, then international law is meaningless.

The other question I have posed is how October 7th will come to be seen in years to come. Again I hesitate to make predictions but I am convinced that we are seeing the beginning of the end of Zionism.

Zionism was always an unnatural political creature and Israel even more so. Israel, even its Jewish part, has never been able to decide what its identity was. Was it Jewish first or Israeli first? This is a question on which Israeli Jews themselves are split.

International Court of Justice

October 7 has also made ‘normalisation’ between the treacherous and corrupt Arab regimes and Israel that much harder though one cannot put it past creatures such as Saudi Arabia’s MBS to plough on nonetheless.

However the rise of the Houthis and Hezbollah coupled with the fierce resistance of Hamas and the other militias in Gaza has destroyed the myth of invincibility that the Israeli state likes to cloak itself with. Israel may be a nuclear power but despite the wishes of certain far right Israeli ministers it is unlikely to want to create a radioactive desert in the Middle East.

It is just possible that Israel pre-1967 could have turned into a normal bourgeois state, albeit one with repressive and authoritarian tendencies. After 1967 and the conquering of the territories with the growth of what Yeshayahu Leibowitz called the Judeo-Nazis this became impossible.

Today we see the far right settler parties driving Israel’s political agenda and we saw, pre-October 7 the massive demonstrations in Israel over the judicial reforms. What October 7 postponed will not go away. We are seeing the symptoms of those divisions in the growing political crisis in Israel over the hostages as it becomes clear that Netanyahu, Smotrich and Ben Gvir wish to pursue their war aims regardless of its effect on the hostages.

Given the choice between killing Palestinians and saving the hostages Netanyahu and co. unhesitatingly choose the former.

The relatives of the hostages though are becoming more and more desperate as they know that the longer the war goes on, the more of them will die. These divisions roughly correspond with the divisions over the judicial reforms.

The current government has effectively declared war on the Palestinians, not only in Gaza but the West Bank. The Palestinian Authority is barely able to survive as the Israeli government ignores this Vichy style administration that the Oslo Accords gave birth to. It is doubtful that this bastard child of Oslo will long survive.

Ever since July the war on Jenin in particular, but also Nablus and Tulkarem has gone on. I am told that there hasn’t been one peaceful night in Jenin since July. I know because I fundraise for the Al Tafawk Children’s Centre there.

There is now a war between the settlers, armed by Ben Gvir and the Palestinians. A war whose purpose is ethnic cleansing.

I once asked myself if there is anything that Israel could do which the United States would sanction it for. The answer that I have drawn is no. Whatever protestations made by Biden and Blinken they continue to arm Israel.

The key question that is posed today is how to get rid of the ‘Jewish’ settler-colonial state, a state of Jewish supremacy and Apartheid. War with Lebanon seems increasingly likely and if that happens the conflagration is likely to spread to Iraq and Iran. The whole region is slipping inexorably into war.

The Houthis have shown the way but others in the region are not far behind. The Abraham Accords have been show to be built on sand.

The reality is that if the repressive and rotten Arab regimes had taken a leaf out of the Houthis book and embargoed the oil, as they did in 1973, then the United States would have stopped the genocide in its tracks.

Above all the question of Zionism and its demise is integrally liked with the death of the Arab regimes, especially Egypt and Saudi Arabia.

Tony Greenstein  

See also What will the ICJ announce on Israel’s Gaza war? The possible scenarios

4 July 2015

Israeli Police Obtain Gagging Order Preventing the Naming of Rabbi Ezra Sheinberg Arrested Fleeing an Accusation of Rape

Rabbi Shenburg is accused of raping fellow Jewish Israelis.  He is of the far-right, even in terms of the Israeli rabbinate.  He was ordained by Rabbi Mordechai Eliyahu, who was Sephardic Chief Rabbi of Israel for 10 years and a follower of Rabbi Meir Kahane, the founder of the Zionist Nazi Kach movement.

Usually it’s the practice to protect the names of the victims of rapists.  But in this case Israeli Police have acted to prevent the naming of the perpetrator.  A gag order even prevents Israeli papers from knowing of the existence of such an order.

Orthodox Rabbi Accused of Rape Arrested Fleeing Israel, His Identity Under Police Gag Order (Except Here)


by Richard Silverstein on July 3, 2015


Rabbi Ezra Sheinberg, deposed after accusations of rape among married female followers
Israeli Orthodox Rabbi Ezra Sheinberg, until recently head of a yeshiva and other institutions in the northern city of Kiryat Shmona, was arrested by Israeli police at Ben Gurion Airport as he attempted to flee the country.  His name may not be reported in Israel according to a judicial gag order obtained by the police.  He stands accused by married women among his followers of engaging in sexual acts and rape.  He was removed from his state-funded post after the investigation began.

Sheinberg was ordained by Rabbi Mordechai Eliyahu, then the chief rabbi of Tzfat.  The former founded a pre-military yeshiva in Tzfat in 1999.  This phenomenon has contributed markedly to the massive increases in settler officers and a rightist slant among the IDF officer corps.  He also led 3,000 settlers in prayer at Joseph’s Tomb a holy site in Nablus under contention between radical settlers and Muslims.

Rabbi Berland on his way to court in full religious regalia (EPA)
Sheinberg has cultivated relationships with the Israeli Orthodox women’s community.  This rebbetzin even boasts of taking spiritual and halachic supervision from him.  I imagine this passage may disappear from her website soon (unless she is one of his victims).
The yeshiva he founded, Yeshivat Ha’Ari, has removed his biographical page, which is preserved here (in Hebrew).

In a similar development, Rabbi Eliezer Berland is resisting deportation from Holland to Israel, where he stands accused of similar sexual crimes.  Berland has taken to donning his full religious regalia in court hearings, including tallit and tefillin.  This is certainly not just an exploitation, but a perversion of Judaism in order to save the neck of an accused sex abuser.  It would make Moses roll over in his grave and should make most Jews sick to their stomach.

15 December 2014

ISM in Hebron "I hate Arabs. I wish I could kill them all."

An Interesting Account of ISM Activists in Hebron and the Everyday Brutality of the Israeli Army

Tony Greenstein

by RICHARD HARDIGAN, 14.12.14.


Anti-Arab slogans were not new to me. “Tomorrow there is no school in Gaza; there are no children left”, had been chanted during the recent Gaza massacre by angry fascist mobs in Tel Aviv. I had seen “Gas the Arabs” spray painted in black letters on the walls of the closed shops in Hebron’s H2 district. But I had never heard such sentiments uttered so calmly before. The effect was chilling.


A young Israeli soldier, a sniper, was talking to us, and we were in Hebron, in the West Bank, which has been under Israeli military occupation since 1967. The soldier did not tell us his name, but he said he would be very proud if we would publish his photo, and he posed for the camera with two members of his sniper team. All three were carrying their rifles over their shoulders, and they were smiling. One was flashing a victory sign. I couldn’t help but wonder what the victory was to which he was referring. He had just shot an unarmed eighteen-year-old Palestinian boy who had thrown two stones from the roof of a building three hundred meters away. Whom had the soldier defeated? What was the struggle that our hero had endured before finally emerging victorious? Perhaps the struggle had not really been between this soldier and his Palestinian victim, as the western media would have us believe. Maybe it had been a conflict between humanity and compassion on one side, and oppression, racism and intolerance on the other. I knew which side had won today.

Israeli soldiers arrest Palestinian activist Imad Altrash
 I had spent the last two months working for the International Solidarity Movement (ISM) in Palestine. On the ISM website, it describes itself as “a Palestinian-led movement committed to resisting the long-entrenched and systematic oppression and dispossession of the Palestinian population, using non-violent, direct-action methods and principles”. I had been in Hebron for the last two weeks, and I was supposed to fly back home from Tel Aviv two days later, but I was concerned. ISMers are always worried during the days before they are scheduled to leave the country. They anticipate intense questioning and searching at the airport, so it’s crucial for them to have their stories in order. One wrong answer and one could be prohibited from ever entering Israel again. Jason, a sixty-year-old activist from Liverpool and one of my ISM colleagues, kept telling me not to worry.

“The soldiers at the airport are so stupid that they’ll believe anything you say.”

Helga, a German ISMer in her early twenties, on the other hand, insisted that we practice my story.

What were you doing in Israel? Why were you here for so long? Israel is small. How can you spend two months in such a tiny country? Why do you have a beard? You’re forty years old. Why are you not married?” I didn’t have an answer to most of those questions (especially the last one), but I was prepared to tell them that I was a divinity student working on a paper, and that I needed to conduct my research in Bethlehem. I even had a working title. “Does Luke’s claim that Jesus was born in Bethlehem at the time of Quirinius’ census match the historical record?” The officials at the airport couldn’t possibly question that, could they?
Israeli soldiers occupy Palestinian house
If your goal was to pass through the exit procedure at the airport smoothly, there were several basic rules you had to follow. You were not allowed to have entered the West Bank (except to visit Bethlehem), and in fact you would be tempting fate if you even mentioned the West Bank at all. You had to have spent your entire visit in Israel. This meant you needed pictures. Lots of them. Of Israel.

My hard drive contained shots of events I had witnessed all over the West Bank. There are weekly demonstrations in the village of Kufr Qaddum, south of Nablus, where the Israelis closed an access road to Palestinians, allowing only settlers to use it. Here Israeli soldiers routinely attack protestors with everything from tear gas to live ammunition to skunk water, a foul smelling substance fired from a water cannon that is so malodorous that you can detect its presence on your clothes up to five years later. I attended four of these demos, and I had several images of the bloodied victims of a particularly brutal Israeli attack. Then there were the pictures of the funeral of a mentally handicapped man murdered by Israeli soldiers in the El-Ein refugee camp in Nablus. The IDF routinely enters refugee camps at night to make its presence known, and on this occasion they had come upon a man returning home from the local mosque. After the man did not follow the army’s instructions to put up his hands, presumably because he did not understand them, soldiers shot him four times – three times in the stomach and once in the chest. My video showed an angry crowd carrying the victim’s body, wrapped in the red, green, white and black Palestinian flag, through the narrow streets of the camp. I’m sure these were not the kinds of pictures the border officials were looking for.

Jason provided me with an SD card filled with pictures of the Wailing Wall, the Church of the Holy Sepulchre and the Mount of Olives, among other tourist destinations in Jerusalem. But I still believed my colleague Charlie had the best advice of all regarding getting out of Israel.

“If you want to make it through the airport, just wear an IDF t-shirt.”

El Khalil (Hebron is its Hebrew name), with approximately 250,000 Palestinians, between 500 and 850 Jewish settlers, and 4000 Israeli soldiers to protect them, is the most populous city in the Occupied Territories. Hebron is a city under occupation, and just like in the rest of the West Bank, Israel uses both its armed forces and its settlers to punish the people of Hebron for their existence. But Hebron is different in another way. Only here do the Israeli settlers actually live inside the city itself, including many who live in an area close to the hub of the city, designated as H2. (H1 is the part of the city over which the Palestinian authorities have control.) H2 contains the famous Shuhada street, a formerly busy shopping area that was closed to Palestinian access in response to the Goldstein massacre of 1994. In February of that year Baruch Goldstein, a thirty-seven-year-old American doctor and religious zealot, opened fire on Muslim worshipers in the Ibrahimi mosque, continuing to shoot until he had no ammunition left. He killed 29 Palestinians, wounding another 125 and was himself beaten to death after the carnage. On Goldstein’s tomb, which became a pilgrimage site for Israeli religious extremists, are written the words “He gave his life for the people of Israel, its Torah and land”.

The area around Shuhada street is now a veritable ghost town, since the only Palestinians who are allowed to enter, which they must do through one of the checkpoints, are those who live in H2. This rule was instituted by the Israeli authorities shortly after the massacre and has destroyed the neighborhood’s once thriving economy. Today settlers live in various parts of H2, including Tel Rumeida, a hill that overlooks the old city.

The ISM apartment in Tel Rumeida is a safe haven to us. Not only is it where we live and eat and sleep, but it also provides a respite from the violence and the injustice that we witness almost on a daily basis. Although I had been there for only two weeks, I definitely felt a strong connection to it. My favorite part of the house was the roof. I would sleep there every night and be awoken in the morning by the muezzin of a nearby mosque. The roof afforded me spectacular views over all of Hebron. Since the house is located on a street used both by settlers and Palestinians, the roof also allowed us to witness some of the daily conflicts that occurred between the two groups.

The apartment is known by the Israeli soldiers and settlers as the “Anarchista House”. It felt strange to know that the people that think of you as their enemy know exactly where you live. And these weren’t ordinary people. All soldiers and some settlers are heavily armed, with the shoulder-slung M-16 seeming to be the ubiquitous weapon of choice in Tel Rumeida. There’s a sign on the inside of our front door warning us not to ever let IDF soldiers enter the apartment, not under any circumstances. But how do eight unarmed volunteers stop one of the world’s most powerful armies from entering if it wants to?

Twenty four hours a day there are at least two soldiers keeping watch about ten meters down the hill from our house. Some of the soldiers are friendly and will smile or nod at us, but most simply glare at us hatefully. They resent our presence. Charlie tried to give them the benefit of the doubt. “They don’t want to be here. They’re just following orders,” he said. It was a tired refrain that you find in armies all over the world and in my mind is most often associated with former Nazi soldiers who try to justify their actions during the Holocaust. We sometimes try to communicate with them, but most often their English is too broken for any meaningful exchange, even if that was what they desired.

Today the soldiers below us were excited. Four of their colleagues commandeered the roof of a nearby house that is owned by a Palestinian family. It was a sniper team. We were on the roof of our building, almost directly behind them, and we could follow the direction of their gun sights to see where they were aiming. Three hundred meters away there were two Palestinian youths milling around on the roof of a not-yet-completed three story building.

Juan and Miguel, two Spanish ISMers, joined Jason and me on the roof, and we considered our options.

“Yell at the soldiers! Throw stones at them! Run up to them and distract them!” None of the ideas seemed reasonable. Jason and Miguel decided to run down to the three story building to warn the youths, while Juan and I stayed on our roof to monitor the situation. After fifteen minutes I received a phone call from Jason, who passed me on to a young Palestinian man.

“Tell those kids to get off the roof! There are snipers, and they’re going to kill them!” I yelled into the phone with my limited colloquial Arabic. After a few seconds, the phone went dead.

My heart seemed to be beating in my throat, as I watched the boys and the soldiers and waited. Did they understand my advice? Would they heed it? Would the soldiers shoot them before they had a chance to escape?

Every evening we have a meeting in the apartment at which we discuss our failures and successes of the day, and we make plans for the next twenty-four hours. We also talk about our feelings. ISM work is difficult, and it can be emotionally taxing. When you witness extreme injustice and you constantly see unnecessary suffering, it can wear on you. That’s what this component of the discussion is about. To give us all a chance to share our thoughts and worries and to know that we are not alone in what we fear. It is my favorite part of the meeting. Yesterday Miguel, in his thick Spanish accent, asked, “It is useless. These fucking soldiers do what they want anyway. Why are we even here?” It is a feeling and a fear we all share to some extent, and it is a topic that seems to come up a lot.
I was reminded of Miguel’s words as the young men on the roof suddenly scampered behind a water tank, appearing to hide. I felt euphoric. There was no doubt now. I had made a difference. It was because of me that these kids had not been shot.

The euphoria vanished quickly as the teenagers on the roof re-appeared from behind the water tank. Even worse, one of them languidly picked up a stone and tossed it from the building. Then another one. I picked up my camera and started filming, because I knew that this was the moment the soldiers had been waiting for. According to the Israeli human rights group B’tselem, “the army’s open-fire regulations clearly stipulate that live ammunition should not be used against stone-throwers, except in cases of immediate mortal danger.”

But I knew better. A shot rang out, the sound loud enough to startle me, although I had been expecting it, causing my camera to shake. One of the men on the roof fell down and then hobbled to safety behind a pillar. It turns out that he was shot in the calf, and later pictures appeared on the ISM website of a cast covering his whole leg.

What happened next was possibly even more disturbing. One soldier grabbed the marksman’s leg, another slapped his hand on the ground in celebration. The mood appeared light. There were smiles and laughter. A soldier imitated the hapless victim’s motions after he was shot, grabbing his leg, limping around. They appeared to be entertained by the whole incident. It was almost as if they were acting in a movie, which, unbeknownst to them, they were.

My friend Charlie became incensed, and he ran downstairs and out into the street. A short, pudgy, unassuming Australian, he was one of the colleagues of mine that I admired most. Four years ago, walking down the street in Tel Rumeida, Charlie had been attacked by a group of Hebron settlers that had beaten him unconscious with a metal pipe, breaking his nose in the process. He remembered little about the incident, but it did take him several years to work up the courage to return to Palestine. But now he was back here in Hebron, confronting soldiers and settlers alike.

“Do you feel good, shooting unarmed children like that?”, he yelled at one of the soldiers, snapping his picture. The soldier grinned.

“I hate Arabs. I wish I could kill them all.”

After a week ISM published the video I took on its website and on Youtube. It received quite a bit of attention, and the Israeli army even responded by sanctioning the soldiers for their behavior, although it did not reveal the terms of the punishment. Military officials did insist that the boys on the roof had been a legitimate target, since they had been throwing Molotov cocktails, a statement that was a complete and utter fabrication. Instead, they explained that it was the soldiers’ celebratory behavior that had been deemed inappropriate and had been the cause for their punishment.

The mood at the meeting the evening of the shooting was somber. We had all been in demonstrations where the army used live ammunition, and most of us had seen Palestinians get shot, but usually the bullets seemed to come from nowhere, out of a cloud of teargas. The connection between the shooter and the victim was tenuous, and we usually saw only the victim. We did not see the shooter, and we could pretend that he didn’t exist, or at least that he was not human. This time it was different. This sniper was real. 

He sweated, and he smiled. And he had shot that boy. For no reason. And he had laughed about it. I just couldn’t come to grips with it.
But tomorrow I would go to Jerusalem, and then the next day I was to fly out of Tel Aviv, and I needed to practice what I would say to the airport officials. What was the title of my divinity paper again?

Richard Hardigan is a university professor in the United States.


VIDEO (see above): Soldiers and Settlers Attack Palestinians, ISM Volunteers in Hebron

author Wednesday July 02, 2014 05:48author by International Solidarity Movement Report post
For the past two days in al-Khalil (Hebron) Israeli soldiers have stopped and searched many Palestinians in Tel Rumeida. At approximately 22:00 two nights ago, a colonial settler began aggressively photographing Palestinian children who were playing football in the street on Tel Rumeida hill. Two ISM activists began filming her.
She then approached one ISM volunteer and pushed the camera very close to his face.

Other settlers arrived and began to harass the Palestinian children and tried to steal their football. The settlers also began to push some of the Palestinians. One settler tried to force entry into a Palestinian shop whilst shouting, “I’m going to butcher you”.

A group of Israeli soldiers initially tried to block the settlers and prevent them from attacking the Palestinians, but when this was unsuccessful, decided instead to force the Palestinians to move. They attacked the Palestinians using stun grenades and pushed a number of people. The settlers and soldiers then began attacking ISM activists who were filming. The soldiers cocked their guns several times and pointed them in the faces of ISM volunteers. A soldier stamped on the foot of one of the activists.

Two ISMers, and an activist from Christian Peacemaker Teams were physically hit by settlers who tried to steal their cameras. One activist turned his back to a solider and began walking away as instructed by him and was kicked forcefully from behind in the testicles by the soldier. Soldiers then positioned themselves to prevent Palestinians from returning to their homes.

Shortly after this, around 40 Palestinians left the mosque at the top of Tel Rumeida hill and began walking down the hill towards their home. They were stopped and threatened by the soldiers. The soldiers eventually agreed to let people return home but insisted that people walk one by one. At the same time, soldiers allowed a large group of settlers to congregate at the junction. Palestinians were therefore forced to walk through the settlers alone, and were subject to intimidation and threats.

An ISM activist present: “The soldiers and settlers were very aggressive and frightening, so much was happening at one time, it was hard to know what was going on. They kept yelling at us in Hebrew and wouldn’t listen when we told them we didn’t understand. At one point a military jeep drove up a hill towards a group of Palestinians (who were leaving the mosque) and us. We were caught in a corner and couldn’t move. The jeep stopped in front of us, they threw a stun grenade first, and then several soldiers jumped out of the jeep, cocked their guns in our faces, and yelled at us in Hebrew. They were so angry, it felt like they wanted to shoot us.”

During this time, the Shamsiyeh family was attacked by settlers (15-year-old Awne Shamsiyeh was recently interviewed by ISM). The settlers entered their garden and forced cameras in their faces. One settler punched a Palestinian woman. Another female settler, who appeared to be around 17-years-old, hit an 11-year-old Palestinian child on the hand with a rock causing swelling and bruising.

The soldiers did nothing to prevent the attack, but instead shouted at the Palestinian family and ordered them back into their house.

At approximately 22:00, settlers from the illegal settlement Tel Rumeida erected a fence blocking a Palestinian home, preventing the family from reaching their house.

The Hebron district is a site of frequent aggression, by Israeli soldiers and settlers, towards Palestinian residents and their property. See related link.