Showing posts with label Nabi Saleh. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Nabi Saleh. Show all posts

6 August 2021

Terror in Palestine as Israel’s Military Death Squads Join the Settlers in Killing Palestinians

 “If the soldiers had shot a dog... it would have attracted more attention. But a dead Palestinian child?... Why should it interest anyone, why is it important?” Gideon Levy





Al-Harika, central Hebron: Settlers throw stones at Palestinian passersby and homes in presence of soldiers, who raid home and harrass inhabitants on pretext that one threw stones

The news has been dominated by the defection of a Belorussian athlete and the Olympic games. The terror campaign being waged by the Israeli military and settlers against the Palestinians isn’t considered fit to grace the screens of the BBC or the press. 

To gain the attention of the BBC or ITN we would need the Palestinians in Gaza to fire a few firecrackers into Israel and see the Israelis disappear into their bomb shelters.  Palestinian deaths are not news because politically they are not White (and don't have bomb shelters).

That is why I am highlighting just a few of the many terrorist attacks by Israel on an unarmed civilian population.

The incidents speak for themselves and require no commentary. However to vile creatures like Keir Starmer, who is gracing the dining tables of Israeli Embassy front group, Labour Friends of Israel, in November, what matters is non-existent anti-Semitism.

Tony Greenstein

The Media Yawns at the Israeli Army's Death Squads

Gideon Levy, Haaretz

Israeli terror is at it again. The Israel Defense Forces’ death squads chalked up another successful week: four bodies of innocent Palestinians piled up between the two Fridays. There doesn’t seem to be a connection between the four incidents in which four sons were killed, but the link cannot be broken.

In all these cases, soldiers chose shooting to kill as the preferred option. In all four cases another way could have been chosen: Arrest them, aim for the legs, don’t do anything or simply don’t be there at all. But the soldiers chose to kill. It’s probably easier for them that way.

They come from different branches of the army with different backgrounds, but they share the incredible ease with which they kill, whether they have to or not.

They kill because they can. They kill because they’re convinced that this is how they’re expected to act. They kill because they know that nothing is cheaper than the life of a Palestinian. They kill because they know that the Israeli media will yawn and not report a thing. They kill because they know that no harm will come to them, so why not? Why not kill a Palestinian when possible?

They killed a 12-year-old boy and a 41-year-old plumber. They killed a 17-year-old youth and a 20-year-old young man attending a funeral, all in one week. An Israeli slogan during the 1948 war went “To arms, every good man,” leading later to the concept of the IDF’s “purity of arms.” Four in one week, for no reason, with no hesitation, with no terrorist facing them. Four executions of young men with dreams, families, plans and loves.

None of the four endangered the soldiers, certainly not in a way that justified lethal fire. Thirteen bullets at a car driving by innocently, carrying a father and his three small children. Shooting a plumber holding a wrench and claiming that he was “moving rapidly toward the soldiers.” Three bullets at the stomach of a 17-year-old who was on his way to take his brother home.

All this can be called terror; there is no other definition. All this can be called the actions of death squads; there is no other description. It sounds horrible, but it really is horrific.

It could be less horrific if the Israeli media bothered to report on it, possibly shocking Israelis. It could be much less horrific if IDF commanders took the necessary steps given their army’s murderous recklessness. But most of the media believed that the killing of a child interests no one or is unimportant, or both, so this shocking incident wasn’t reported on.

If the soldiers had shot a dog – also a shocking act, of course – it would have attracted more attention. But a dead Palestinian child? What happened? Why should it interest anyone, why is it important?

Are you working for the Arabs?” journalist Yinon Magal maliciously tweeted, addressing Haaretz’s Hagar Shezaf, virtually the only journalist who covered the boy’s funeral. This is the new journalistic ethos: Reporting the truth is tantamount to working for the Arabs.

Let’s leave aside the media of trivia and nonsense that was busy to the hilt with the modeling agent suspected of sexual misconduct and with lists of pedophiles – what does the media have to do with the killing of children? The question is: Where are the military commanders and the political leaders?

Their disgraceful silence leads to only one conclusion: They believe that this killing is acceptable. It’s exactly what they expect of soldiers: the killing of innocents. There is no other way to explain everyone’s silence without even a semblance of condemnation.

If the killers of the boy Mohammed al-Alami are still not in custody, then the IDF under Chief of Staff Aviv Kochavi – a person known to speak in lofty terms about values – is saying that the soldiers acted correctly. If the paratroopers who killed Mohammed Tamimi by firing three bullets into his body from their armored jeep are still walking around freely in the West Bank, this means the army salutes them.

And if the IDF salutes them, we really are talking about death squads, just like in the most dreadful regimes.

Mohammed Was Looking for His Little Brother When Israeli Soldiers Shot Him Dead at Close Range

The door of an Israeli army jeep that had entered the West Bank village of Nabi Saleh for no apparent reason suddenly opened and a soldier shot 17-year-old Mohammed Tamimi, while his cousin looked on in shock

Jul. 30, 2021 10:47 AM

Mahmoud Tamimi climbs the trunk of the dead olive tree in the yard of his house, and hoists the flag of Palestine. He’s a boy of 13 who last Friday lost his older brother, 17-year-old Mohammed, who was shot to death by Israel Defense Forces soldiers while he was on his way to fetch Mahmoud. Their younger brother, Mustafa, is named for another Mustafa Tamimi, their cousin, who was killed by soldiers in 2011.

Mohammed Munir Tamimi was the fifth person killed in recent years in the village of Nabi Saleh, not far from Ramallah in the West Bank....

Of all the killings in Nabi Saleh, the death of Mohammed is perhaps the most criminal of all. The soldiers had no apparent reason to enter the village a week ago, when it was quiet – and even less of one to open the armoured door of their jeep, shoot the youth in the stomach from close range and then close the door. And if that wasn’t enough, soldiers who were walking behind the vehicle fired more bullets at the wounded teen who was trying to flee for his life into an adjacent house, but collapsed, bleeding, on the way to its entrance.

Nabi Saleh called off its regular Friday anti-occupation demonstrations in 2016, after six years, when the IDF started to use snipers and live ammunition against the unarmed inhabitants. But more people have been killed there since the demonstrations ended than during the period when they were taking place.

On Friday the first rumor that spread was that it was Mohammed, the brother of Ahed Tamimi, the young activist-heroine of the Palestinians’ popular struggle, who had been killed. There are dozens and perhaps hundreds of people named Mohammed (or Mohammad or Muhammad) Tamimi. The teen who was shot was not Ahed’s brother, but her cousin. Ahed’s brother was with him when he was killed; the two youths were close.

Ahed’s father, Bassem Tamimi, one of the leaders of the struggle in Nabi Saleh, joined us during our visit to the events hall where the grieving family was receiving condolences in Deir Nidham. The bereaved father, Munir, speaks fluent Hebrew, having worked for decades in Israel and in the settlements. For 30 years, he’s worked as a home renovator and air-conditioner technician in the settlement of Beit Aryeh. He has many friends there who wanted to pay their condolences, he tells us, but he suggested that they refrain from visiting during the tense grieving period in the village.

Munir Tamimi, Mohammed's father. Credit: Alex Levac

They are friends-brothers who wanted to come, but I want to make sure that no one will be hurt,” he says.

Bassem Tamimi relates that a jeep arrived in Nabi Saleh around 4:30 P.M. and stopped at the gas station at the village’s entrance before proceeding. It was quiet at the time. During the years of the demonstrations, the IDF arrested about 400 locals, most of them adolescents and children, and including 16 women, out of a total local population of about 600. When the jeep drove in this time, youngsters began throwing stones at it. The soldiers fired tear-gas canisters, and a cloud of gas covered the village – a familiar experience. But Mahmoud, the younger brother of the deceased, recently recovered from cancer of the eye, and his mother, worried that the gas would endanger the recovering eye, sent Mohammed to the home of relatives where Mahmoud had been told to go, in order to bring him home. Their father was installing an air conditioner in the neighboring village of Deir Abu Mash’al at the time.

The home of the Tamimi family in Nabi Saleh, this week. More people have been killed since the protests ended there in 2016 than during the six years when they took place.Credit: Alex Levac

Munir, 52, has four remaining children. He’s a solidly built man, suited to his livelihood. He met his wife, Baraa, 40, in Jordan. Her family immigrated long ago to the United States, and she too has American citizenship. During the first 13 years of their marriage, Israel did not allow her to enter the West Bank, and the family was divided between Zarqa in Jordan and Nabi Saleh. Munir’s work is in the West Bank but his wife was not permitted to go there. He divided his life between here and there, crossing into Jordan every two or three months to see his family and then going back.

Friday, July 23, Mohammed got up around 8:30 A.M. and went to work in the family’s olive grove ahead of the fall harvest. In the afternoon, as tear gas spread through the village, his worried mother sent him to find his younger brother Mahmoud and try to bring him home. According to his father, Mohammed didn’t do anything to provoke the soldiers. The IDF jeep stopped near him, its door opened and the one shot fired from it hit Mohammed. He doubled over in pain and tried with his remaining strength to flee, but then four soldiers on foot felled him with two more bullets.

The physicians who treated him later told his father that one of the three bullets exploded in the teenager’s stomach and did not leave a single internal organ intact. Everything is torn apart inside, they told him. The cousin Mohammed, Bassem’s shocked son, told his father that he “saw the rice spill out of Mohammed’s stomach.” According to Munir, who saw his son’s body in the small hospital in Salfit, one bullet struck him in his right hip, another entered via the back and exited through the stomach – or vice versa – and the deadliest bullet of all slammed into his buttocks and hurtled upward throughout his body, wreaking havoc.

Three videos were shot by three local eyewitnesses. In one clip, the armored door of the IDF vehicle is seen opening for a split second and the soldier next to the driver fires a shot and shuts the door; another soldier then opens the back door and closes it immediately. In the second clip, the jeep is seen in the street, being pelted by villagers with plastic chairs and rocks, without doing any damage. The third clip shows the bloodstains and people evacuating Mohammed from the path leading to a nearby house. It’s not clear what preceded what, but it’s even less clear what the jeep was doing there and why it stopped so provocatively in the middle of the village. The red-and-white flag of the Paratroops Brigade flaps in the wind above the fortified tower that looms over the entrance to the village, a sign that the soldiers who shot Mohammed also wore the telltale red berets.

Graffiti on a wall in Nabi Saleh depicts Mohammed Tamimi.Credit: Alex Levac

Haaretz asked the IDF Spokesperson’s Unit why the army vehicle entered the village in the first place and why Mohammed Tamimi was shot. Why with live ammunition? And why with three bullets to the gut? The reply:

“Following the incident in question, an investigation has been opened by the Criminal Investigations Department of the Military Police, after which the findings will be transferred for examination to the office of the military prosecution.”

Mohammed was apparently still semi-conscious when the neighbors rushed him in a small shared taxi to the hospital in Salfit; he mumbled that his stomach hurt. He died on the operating table. By the time his stunned father reached the hospital, it was too late.

When we visited this week, his brother Mahmoud, a pale boy with a sickly looking eye, took us to the place where Mohammed was killed and showed us the bloodstain on the road and another at the place where he fell, en route to the house.

As we left Nabi Saleh, we saw Ahed Tamimi returning from her studies at Birzeit University in her small car. In March 2018 she was convicted on four counts of assaulting an IDF officer and a soldier, and sentenced to eight months in prison. Her aunt and uncle were killed by the army. Another relative named Mohammed, 15, was shot in the head in 2017 across from her house by soldiers using a rubber-coated metal bullet; he lost an eye and remains disabled. Now her cousin Mohammed Munir Tamimi has been killed, too.

Settler Shoots at Palestinians With Israeli Soldier's Weapon, Footage Shows

Israeli settlers attack Palestinians & Soldiers escorting them fire at them, South Hebron Hills

On Saturday, 26 June 2021, some 20 settlers invaded the village of a-Tuwani, stoned residents and beat some with sticks, injuring one. Soldiers then escorted the settlers to other communities. A settler fired at Palestinians and several others torched an agricultural structure of an a-Tuwani resident and damaged his olive grove. After the settlers retreated, other soldiers arrived and fired live fire and tear gas at the Palestinians and their homes. This is life for Masafer Yatta residents, whom Israel works to expel from their land.

Israeli soldier kills Husam 'Asayrah during violent settler raid on 'Asirah al-Qibliyah, 14 May 2021

On 14 May 2021, settlers and soldiers came to the village in Nablus District. The settlers threw stones at homes and residents and fired in the air, and residents threw stones at them. The soldiers used force against the residents instead of distancing the settlers. After the party moved to a distant hilltop, a soldier shot and killed 'Asirah and injured another resident although they posed no danger. Such collaboration between soldiers and settlers is part of Israel’s unofficial policy to drive Palestinians out and take over West Bank land. Read full incident report:

Israeli settlers and soldiers harass residents of al Harika neighborhood central Hebron

Al-Harika, central Hebron: Settlers throw stones at Palestinian passersby and homes in presence of soldiers, who raid home and harrass inhabitants on pretext that one threw stones



Joint militias: How settlers and soldiers teamed up to kill four Palestinians

A Local Call investigation reveals how on a single day in May, Israeli settlers and soldiers cooperated in attacks that left four Palestinians dead. The unprecedented spate of joint assaults has inaugurated a new era of terror.

By Yuval Abraham July 15, 2021

Nidal Safadi was a quiet man, his neighbors said. He lived in Urif, a Palestinian village of several thousand people in the West Bank. Just 25, Safadi had three children with his wife and a fourth, a girl, on the way.

Urif is not always quiet. With the Palestinian city of Nablus less than 10 miles away, the occupying Israeli military established a base on a nearby hilltop in 1983. A year later, it was turned over to civilian purposes: part of Israel’s illegal settlement program in the Palestinian territories. Since 2000, the settlement, called Yitzhar, has been home to a yeshiva known for its hard-line Jewish nationalist views; the settlement has become known for its extremism. The so-called outpost settlements it has spurred — illegal even by Israeli law, but nonetheless defended by the Israel Defense Forces — have gradually encroached on villages like Urif. Over the past 10 years, settler aggressions have given rise to violent recriminations between the Israelis and Palestinians living nearby.

 “There were many protests in the area, but Urif was quiet,” said Mazen Shehadeh, head of the village council. “It is a small village and the residents stayed indoors. Had the settlers not arrived to attack the houses, nothing would have happened.”

Shehadeh said a group of settlers arrived at about 2 p.m., along with six soldiers, and began wreaking havoc. “The settlers uprooted almost 60 fig and olive trees,” he said. “Then they attacked the school with stones and broke its solar panels.” The damage was still evident when I visited a month after the attack. “While the settlers did all of that, the soldiers covered for them by gunfire,” Shehadeh continued.

“The soldiers led, gave orders, everything looked coordinated. The soldiers pointed for the settlers, where to go, where to uproot, and then they shot at anybody who tried to get close. After a few minutes, residents came to protect the village.”

One of the villagers who arrived was Nidal Safadi. “Nidal arrived at the school terrified,” said his brother, who asked that his name not be used for fear of retribution. “We have relatives who live nearby, and the mosque’s loudspeaker announced that the settlers were attacking, so he ran.”

Photos and videos from the scene show settlers and soldiers from the IDF aiming their weapons toward the Palestinian villagers. One video, obtained by the Israeli human rights group B’Tselem, shows a shirtless settler with a face covering walking around and chatting with nearby soldiers. At one point, the settler, armed with an automatic rifle, stands directly in front of a soldier, takes aim toward the villagers, and opens fire. Other photos show settlers and soldiers alike with weapons raised.

Amid the chaos, Safadi was struck by four bullets in the chest and abdomen, according to Shehadeh. He died of his wounds.

“We do not know whether it was a settler or a soldier who shot him,” Shehadeh said. “We had many who were wounded by gunfire that day. Nine people were hurt: one in the abdomen, another was shot three centimeters from his heart. And there was Nidal, who got killed.”

Shehadeh went on,

“It was a planned attack. Revenge, not a confrontation. We used to have clashes every day and it never looked like that. They didn’t use live ammunition before, only tear gas and rubber bullets. Also, more soldiers used to be present.”

Joint attacks

Safadi’s death was one of 11 violent killings of Palestinians in the West Bank on May 14, according to the Palestinian Health Ministry. While Israeli media reported that the killings occurred amid “clashes” — implying the widespread protests over Al-Aqsa and the Gaza bombings — at least four of the deaths occurred during deliberate attacks by settlers and soldiers on Palestinian villages, an investigation by Local Call and The Intercept found.

The joint attacks by Israeli settlers and soldiers were not linked to protests in the targeted villages; no demonstrations preceded the violence in three of the four locations. The incursions all occurred at almost the same time, around 2 p.m., and all involved the settlers destroying agricultural land, including by setting fires, as well as stone throwing and the use of live ammunition.

Attacks on Palestinians by stone-throwing settlers, as Israeli soldiers stand idly by, are a common occurrence in the occupied Palestinian territories. But scenes like those from May 14 — settlers and soldiers attacking villages in apparent cooperation, with live ammunition — are unprecedented.

The only way I can describe this is by calling it militias,” said Quamar Mishirqi-Assad, an attorney and a partner in Haqel-Jews and Arabs in Defense of Human Rights, an organization that works in the Israeli court system to represent Palestinians who have faced settler violence. “These cases, in which soldiers enter villages together with settlers, and in which there is massive gunfire by settlers — this is unprecedented.”

Five such attacks on May 14 left four Palestinians dead. One was killed in the village of Asira Al-Qibliya, in the Nablus area; another in Iskaka, near the Israeli settlement Ariel; a third in the village Al Reihiya, in South Mount Hebron; and Nidal Safidi in Urif. In the fifth village, Burin, which is also near Nablus, a similar attack ended without any deaths.

View of the Palestinian village of Urif, near the settlement of Yitzhar, in the West Bank, on December 1, 2019. (Sraya Diamant/Flash90)

Videos, photographs, and villagers’ testimonies of the attacks indicate that, in at least three cases, Israeli settlers and soldiers acted as a combined fighting unit, effectively working as a joint militia attacking civilians and firing interchangeably at Palestinian residents. Coordination between the military and settlers is a burgeoning political issue in Israel: On Tuesday, 100 former combat soldiers sent a letter to Israeli Defense Minister Benny Gantz demanding he take action against settler violence that they themselves had witnessed during their service.

“In the past year, settler violence has intensified and manifested in, among other things, property destruction, stone throwing, and physical violence against Palestinians,”

the former soldiers wrote.

“We are the ones who witnessed how the ‘lords of the land’ behave unrestricted and what this violence looks like on the ground. We were sent to defend them but were not given the tools to deal with them.”

Palestinian women mourn at the funeral of Nidal Safadi in the West Bank village of Urif, near Nablus, on May 14, 2021.Photo: Majdi Mohammed/AP

Local Call and The Intercept sent a detailed description of our findings to an IDF spokesperson, including photographs and footage. The spokesperson said the cases “are under processes of checking and investigating.” Though the IDF spokesperson declined to comment on many of the specifics, they acknowledged, in response to one of the photographs showing a settler closely interacting with an IDF officer in Urif, that the settler was in the area without permission.

No autopsy was carried out on Safadi’s body, nor on those of the other Palestinians killed that day, so there is no way of determining whether soldiers or settlers were responsible for the deaths. Israeli police have not announced any inquiries into the killings.

Update [July 18]: Following publication of this story, the IDF Spokesperson announced that the Investigative Military Police launched an inquiry into the death of Nidal Safadi in Urif. Neither the army nor the Israeli police have announced any inquiries into the other three killings described below.

Despite the common timeframe and modus operandi, there is no evidence that the May 14 attacks were coordinated. Some settler ideologues, though, did note the confluence of events. Zvi Sukot, a spokesperson of the settlement Yitzhar and a rising online star of the movement, posted photos from some of the incidents on Facebook. The photos he shared show, among other things, a dead Palestinian with a bullet in his head and another with a bleeding chest, as well as a host of bodies lying prone in various settings.

“The security situation in Samaria is excellent. No need for protests!!” Sukot wrote in his Facebook post, asking his fellow settlers to stay at home. He used the common Israeli term “Samaria” to describe the northern West Bank. There are “casualties, lots of people injured and serious trauma on the Arab side,” he wrote. “In all my years in Samaria, I do not remember the army being that determined.”

A settler, armed with an automatic rifle, aims and opens fire at Palestinian villagers, Urif, May 14, 2021. (Mazen Shehadeh)

Many village residents interviewed by Local Call and The Intercept attributed the attacks to “revenge” by both soldiers and settlers — apparently for protests against the Israeli assaults on Al-Aqsa and Gaza, as well as unrest in “mixed” cities inside Israel. The incursions fit into a pattern of so-called price tag attacks, where settlers launch retributive assaults on anyone deemed to be even remotely viewed as an obstacle to their movement.

The yeshiva in Yitzhar, near Urif, was instrumental in formulating the religious justification for “price tag” attacks. The concept gained notoriety among some Israeli Jews because it rationalized attacks against the Israeli military in rare cases where, for instance, the IDF was used to evacuate settlement outposts. The most common targets of “price tag” attacks, however, are Palestinian civilians. On May 14, soldiers were far from being targets or even ineffectual bystanders. Instead, they were active participants and collaborators in the joint assaults.

“The army now perceives the settlers as an auxiliary fighting force,” said Mishirqi-Assad, the human rights lawyer.

“The cooperation is more transparent. No one is ashamed of it. The soldiers see the settlers as a backing force, it is very noticeable. And the settlers, too, are more fearless. It’s clear that things have become more organized over the last year.”



Women sob during the funeral of Hussam Asaira, killed the day before during a demonstration in West Bank against Israeli attacks, in Nablus, West Bank, on May 15,
2021. 
Photo: Issam Rimawi/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images

Palestinians trying to extinguish the fires sparked by Jewish settlers on agricultural land in the southern West Bank village of Safa, near Hebron, on July 13, 2009. (Najeh Hashlamoun/Flash90)

Sexism, homophobia and harassment by settlers and soldiers: life’s routine in Hebron (video)

Mondoweiss

Israeli soldiers make sexual threats to Palestinian women in videos from occupation

ByPhilip Weiss July 15, 2021

In January, the Israeli human rights group B’Tselem charged Israel with maintaining an “apartheid… regime of “Jewish supremacy” from the river to the sea.

Now the organization has released two videos from the occupied territories that document this reality in chilling ways– as they show Israeli occupiers, some in uniform, abusing Palestinians in sexually degrading terms during the recent Gaza war. Published July 12, the videos capture the racist, homophobic, and misogynist abuse of Palestinians by Israeli soldiers and Jewish settlers.

Both videos were shot by Palestinians in occupied Hebron on May 13, during the Muslim holiday of ‘Eid al-Fitr. (And B’Tselem issued a press release about the dehumanizing language.)

Here are excerpts of some of that abuse. Warning, the language is highly offensive.

In the first video, Israeli soldiers raid a home in the Palestinian neighborhood of Al-Harika in Hebron. The soldiers break windows and threaten residents as they look for a young stone thrower. The soldiers ignore settlers who throw stones at Palestinians.

The soldiers abuse a Palestinian woman who bravely holds a camera, documenting the raid for B’Tselem, and threaten to break her camera:

Palestinian woman: I didn’t see anyone throw a rock.

Soldier: Because you are very fat. And ugly.

Palestinian: I do my job, I work for B’Tselem.

Soldier: One more time, I break your camera. Alright? You understand me?

Palestinian: I’ll take another camera. It’s not a problem. I have many cameras.

Soldier: Mother, why is your son throwing stones at the soldiers?

As the soldiers leave the house, one blows a kiss to her, a second says, “Happy holiday,” and a third sings, “Hey, sexy lady!”

Screenshot of B’Tselem video of Israeli raid on Palestinian home in occupied Hebron, May 13, 2021.

Screenshot of B’Tselem video of Israeli raid on Palestinian home in Hebron, May 13, 2021.

The second video records events that night in the same neighborhood. Israeli settlers from the illegal colony of Kiryat Arba, built on the eastern side of Hebron, shout racist abuse and sexual threats at Palestinians from a fence, as Israeli soldiers raid the Al-Harika neighborhood.

Settler: Come on, you snitches, you whores.

Settler: I’ll fuck up this entire village. What do you call this fucking family? All by myself, you asshole. Listen, you dog. Listen up, you pig. I’m fucking you, you dog. I’m fucking your mother and your sister.

Settler: Death to Arabs.

Settler: You dog, you dog. Muhammad’s a pig.

Settler: Muhammad’s a son of a bitch.

Settler: Come, come, I’ll fuck you.

Settler: Muhammad’s dead, you asshole.

Settler [hearing boy’s voice]: You’re hiding behind kids, you faggot. I’ll fuck you. You tranny, you coward.

Settler: Come on, I’ll fuck you, you faggot.

Settler: Come on, I’ll open up your ass.

Settler: Gaza’s on fire, you coward, you faggot.

The same video captures an encounter that day outside a Palestinian home, this time with an Israeli soldier hurling abuse.

Soldier: I spit on Palestine. Fuck your mother.

Soldier: I don’t give a fuck. I’m the Israeli army.

Soldier: Throw it, you faggot.

Soldier: Palestine, you assholes.

Soldier: Go get your mother, you faggot. Come on, bring her here, I’ll fuck her. Come on.

Of course these encounters with occupying forces are often deadly. Here is a new report from 972, also based on a B’Tselem video, about Israeli soldiers coordinating attacks on Palestinian villages in the northern West Bank with masked Jewish settlers, including a half-clad sniper.

The attacks took place on May 14, a day on which four Palestinian villagers were killed in what appear to be “pricetag” attacks– retribution against Palestinians for protests against Israeli actions.

22 March 2018

Ahed Tamimi – Palestinian girl 17 receives 8 months for slapping armed soldier

Elor Azaria, who murdered an unconscious wounded Palestinian is released also after 8 months

THIS IS ISRAELI JUSTICE 




Ahed Tamimi was yesterday sentenced to 8 months imprisonment for slapping a soldier who entered the grounds of her house. Ahed Tamimi, who has become a heroine of the Palestinian resistance, was filmed slapping an Israeli soldier who entered the grounds of her house. She was perfectly entitled under International Law to resist a soldier from Israel's Occupation.  But of course under the military dictatorship that Palestinians live under Ahed was guilty since Israel pays no heed to international law.

As she was led away to begin her sentence she shouted 'There is no Justice Under Occupation'.  Even during her pre-trial hearings Ahed retained her sense of humour.  Asked by the Military Judge how she hit the solder she said, 'take off these handcuffs and I'll show you.'  I have written extensively on this and you may wish to refer to my previous articles:



“Stone Cold Justice“ - Israeli kidnapping, detention, torture and abuse of Palestinian children - Australian TV Broadcast

Jewish Chronicle Hits a New Low - A Vile Article Attacking 16 year old Ahed Tamimi

Ahed Tamimi’s arrest sheds a disturbing light on how children are targeted by Israel

Ahed Tamimi's lawyer: Her case is making people see the occupation again, Torture couldn’t happen to a Jewish child - 16 year old Ahed Tamimi’s Detention is Extended by Israel's Military Court

Immediately the video of Ahed standing up to the soldiers went viral, there were calls from the racist Education Minister Naftali Bennett for her to 'finish her life in prison'.

The Israeli army kidnapped Ahed in the middle of the night, video photographer accompanying them, awakening her in her house in the early hours of the morning and thus began a 3 month ordeal in which more charges were added to the bill of indictment.

She was prosecuted in a Military Court which has a 99.74% conviction rate.  In reality she is being tried by the same army that has arrested and brutalised her.  Unlike Israeli children she has no protection, access to parents, social workers etc.  She is, like in Nazi Germany, the untermenschen and is treated accordingly.
Caspit, the 'liberal' Israeli journalist called for 'a price to be exacted' against Ahed, 'in the dark, without witnesses or cameras'  He denies that he meant rape or sexual assault but, as Mandy Rice Davies said, he would wouldn't he?'
 She was subject to what amounted to calls to rape and sexually assault her by prominent Ma’ariv journalist Ben Caspit who wrote in Maariv:
 “in the case of the girls, we should exact a price at some other opportunity, in the dark, without witnesses and cameras”
Ahed caught the imagination of people world wide and Israel's hasbara propaganda machine couldn't keep up.  Instead of a Palestinian in traditional Arab garb with a headscarf, she was an engaging white teenager with blonde hair and an endearing smile.  
The kinda kid next door that people can empathise with.  

The idiot of a former Ambassador to the USA and now a government minister, Michael Oren couldn't accept this.  It was a 'fake family' she was deliberately dressed by her parents in western clothes.  Apparently there had been an investigation into the Tamimi family two years ago to establish if they were a real family!
As in South Africa under Apartheid or in the Deep South under Jim Crow the penalty for killing a Palestinian is always less than killing the herrenvolk, a Jew
But as her ordeal dragged on even the Israeli army realised that Israel has suffered massive PR damage.  Their treatment of a young Palestinian girl compared to what an Israeli child would experience is so obviously unjust that you would have to be a particularly thick Zionist to not notice.

That is why Fadi Quoran's article below is correct.  Israel's military prosecutors had originally intended to put Ahed away for years. They dug up false allegations from years ago but the scale of the international campaign has forced the bastards to back off.  In the end holding Ahed was a liability they wanted to be shot of.  All the weapons in the world were to no avail against a young girl's courage.

We should treat this as a victory and Ahed herself as a hero.  As a 17 year old girl under massive & enormous pressure she refused to answer any questions or co-operate in any way.  What a contrast between the Quisling of the Palestinian Authority  Mahmoud Abbas in Ramallah and Ahed Tamimi.

The case has shone a light on Israel’s Injustice System.  Hence the Israeli military judge decided, against the pleas of the family, that she would be tried in secret as befits a police state.  She and her parents were opposed to this because they wanted the light of publicity to expose these racists.

The Military Court decided that the court hearing should be held in secret not for Ahed's benefit but to save their own embarrassment.  The army were happy to video her arrest as a way of asuaging the racist Right in Israel but they didn't want the publicity that came with her continued detention.

Of course if a closed trial had  really been for her benefit then she would never have been incarcerated in the first place, still less held in pre-trial detention.  The lies just keep pouring off the Zionist PR machine.  

Israel, like all settler states, is essentially stupid.  The cries for revenge against Ahed resounded in Israel but people abroad could not understand the Biblical vengeance being exacted against a female David.  It was as if the story of David and the slingshot was being reversed with Goliath demanding his pound of flesh.

Racist murderer Elor Azaria receives the same sentence as Ahed - Palestinian life is cheap
Contrast her case with Israeli murderer Elor Azaria.  He shot a severely wounded Palestinian in the head whilst he was on the ground.  This supporter of the Jewish Nazi Kach movement was sentenced to 18 months imprisonment, which was reduced twice and he was eventually let out after serving little over 8 months.  In other words the same sentence as Ahed who is unlikely to have her sentence cut. 

You can be sure that this murderous psychopath, who was a hero before he went into prison, was treated like a hero when he was inside.  Ahed's treatment by all accounts will be nasty and violent and it is a tribute to her and the hundreds of Palestinian children that they bear it with fortitude. 


Labour MPs Louise Ellman and Ian Austin Who Support Israeli Child Abuse Should be Expelled

A month ago I was expelled from the Labour Party because I called the execrable Blairite MP Louise Ellman a supporter of Israeli child abuse.  The idiot of a barrister, Thomas Ogg, said that I was shaming her.  Indeed I was and I intend to continue doing so.

To be fair to Ellman and I always try to be fair (!) she was joined by another Labour MP who should go, the detestable right-winger Ian Austin MP, the man who heckled Jeremy Corbyn in the debate on the Chilcott Report.  Let us hope that his CLP gets rid of him.

Below is a graphic of the contributions of these two supporters of Palestinian child abuse
Both these racists, Ellman and Austin believe that  Palestinian children are 'incited' to throw stones at the soldiers who occupy their homes and steal their land.  This is of course what every imperialist has argued throughout history.  The oppressed would love their oppressors but for the 'inciters'.  The real disgrace is that these 2 creatures are still members of the Labour Party
I have included a number of different reactions as this is an extremely important case.  The issue of Israel's child prisoners should be highlighted continuously.



This is Israeli justice – slapping a heavily armed soldier is equivalent to killing a wounded Palestinian

21 March 2018
Press Release - for immediate publication
 

Ahed Tamimi’s forced plea bargain clearly illustrates role of military juvenile court:

Protecting the occupation, not Palestinian minors
The conviction rate in Israel’s military courts in the West Bank is almost 100% - not because the military prosecution is so efficient, but because Palestinian defendants reluctantly sign plea bargains in which they plead guilty. A new report published yesterday by B’Tselem shows how the measures that Israel has showcased over the last decade as examples of its improved treatment of Palestinian minors in military courts have little to do with the protection of minors and everything to do with public relations. In fact, the function of the military juvenile court boils down to signing off on plea bargains such as the one signed today.
This afternoon, the military court at Ofer signed off on plea bargains for ‘Ahed and Nariman Tamimi. The plea bargains include eight months in prison and a fine. A new report published yesterday by B’Tselem, Minors in Jeopardy: Violation of the Rights of Palestinian Minors by Israel’s Military Courts, analyzes the changes that Israel declared over the last decade with regard to the treatment of Palestinian minors in military courts. The report reveals that while useful in Israeli propaganda, these technical changes have done nothing to improve the protection of minors’ rights.

In particular, the role of the Military Juvenile Court, whose establishment Israel views as a landmark achievement in the protection of minors’ rights in the military court system, is primarily to sign off on plea bargains already reached between the defense and the prosecution outside the courtroom. Almost all minors sign the plea bargains, having been left little choice by the military courts’ detention policy: most minors are held in custody from the time of their arrest and until they finish serving their sentence. Carrying out an evidentiary trial from within prison is fraught with difficulties, and the defendants know that if convicted, they will be sentenced to prison anyway, as no alternatives exist. Even in the extremely unlikely case that they are acquitted, the time they spent in custody throughout the trial may be just as long, or even longer, than the time they will spend in prison under a plea bargain.
‘Ahed Tamimi’s case is exceptional only in that it garnered special media attention, but it is essentially no different from hundreds of such cases every year. According to figures the Israel Prison Service (IPS) provided to B’Tselem, on 28 February 2018 the IPS had 356 Palestinian minors in custody: 95 of them were serving a prison sentence, 257 were in pre- or post- indictment detention, and four were being held in administrative detention. While Israel claims to hold dear the rights of the Palestinian minors it arrests and puts on trial, the opposite is true: the rights of these minors are routinely and systemically abused from the moment of their arrest.                     

In Israeli military courts, Palestinian minors always lose

In Israeli civilian courts, detention is always a last resort for a minor. But when it comes to Palestinian minors in Israeli military courts, prison is almost guaranteed.
By Yael Marom
Ahed Tamimi in the Ofer prison military court. December 20, 2017. (Oren Ziv/Activestills)
Israeli authorities have dedicated significant effort in recent years to highlighting the improvements allegedly made in the treatment of Palestinian minors within Israeli military courts in the West Bank.

Among the ostensible achievements are the establishment a juvenile court in the military court system, allowing for the increased involvement of parents in the military justice system, decreasing the length of time a child can be detained before being brought before a judge, and even an abandoned experiment of issuing summonses to Palestinian minors instead of sending an invading force of soldiers to arrest them in their homes in the middle of the night — the common practice today.

A report published by Israeli human rights group B’Tselem on Tuesday argues that these so-called improvements have improved very little. The juvenile military court system system, which uses the tactic of denying bail to pressure over 70 percent of juvenile defendants and their families into accepting plea bargains, has a startling conviction rate that exceeds 95 percent.

The military juvenile courts do not come close to conforming to international standards and conventions signed and implemented by Israel, according to the B’Tselem report. And Israel’s treatment of Palestinian minors contrasts starkly with the treatment Israeli children receive in Israel’s separate, civilian juvenile justice system.

The Israeli army prosecuted 1,046 Palestinian minors in 2014 and 2015, according to the Association for Civil Rights in Israel. More than a quarter of those indictments were of children 15 and under. Already in the first two months of 2018, the army arrested 274 Palestinian minors who were thrust into the military court system, according to Palestinian human rights group Addameer.


Israeli soldiers arrest a Palestinian youth during a protest against Donald Trump’s recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, Hebron, West Bank, December 7, 2017. (Wisam Hashlamoun/Flash90)
 One of the most disturbing differences between the Israeli civilian and military juvenile justice systems is that in the Israeli system, arrest and pre-conviction detention is supposed to be a last resort; other options are to be exhausted before resorting to imprisonment. In the military system, to which Palestinian children are subjected, pre-conviction detention (denying bail) is the rule; there are virtually no alternatives to detention, and exceptions are extremely rare.

What this means is that Palestinian minor defendants are faced with the following choice: fight the charges and remain in prison for the duration of their trial or sign a plea deal and get a reduced sentence. Considering the time spent in prison awaiting trial, however, even defendants likely to be acquitted still might spend more time behind bars than if they had just signed a plea deal.

One of the testimonies collected by B’Tselem and published in the new report describes what the system looks like from the perspective of a Palestinian teenager:

Abed Sabah, a 15-year-old from the Jalazun refugee camp near Ramallah, was arrested last August. Soldiers broke into his house at 3:00 a.m. without explaining why. He was handcuffed and blindfolded. According to Abed’s testimony, soldiers beat and cursed him during the drive from his home to the military base. He was detained for several hours overnight at the base, handcuffed and tied to a wooden post outside, forbidden from going to the bathroom. The soldiers took him to a police station in the morning. In the interrogation room, he was questioned about stone-throwing and a pipe bomb. The interrogator permitted him to call his parents but not a lawyer. The interrogator never explained Abed’s rights to him, particularly his right to remain silent.

During this first interrogation, the interrogator pressured Abed to confess to the crimes of which he was accused, saying that it would help him. Abed refused. The interrogator wanted Abed to sign two documents in Hebrew, which Abed did not understand and refused to sign. Abed was then moved to the cell for minors at Ofer Prison, and then to the military court there. The entire ordeal was less than 12 hours — but 12 hours during which he was completely alone. There was no one waiting for him in court either — neither his parents nor a lawyer. Abed said he did not know what the purpose of the hearing was, and when the hearing was over, he was sent back to prison.

Two months later he was brought back to court. A lawyer told him he wanted to sign a deal that would include a sentence of two-and-a-half months — exactly the amount of time Abed had already spent in prison. And so it was. Abed’s parents paid a fine of NIS 2,000, and Abed received another five months of probation. At 7:00 p.m. that night, Abed was informed that he was being released. His brother was waiting for him outside of the prison, but the Israeli authorities instead released him at the Ben Sira checkpoint, where no one waiting. Abed said he used a waiting cab driver’s phone to call his brother, who came and took him home.

Israeli soldiers arrest a child during the weekly demonstration in Kfer Qaddum, a West bank village located east of Qalqiliya, on January 25, 2013.
So what about the improvements Israel has made? B’Tselem addresses them one by one.

Did the decision to require bringing minors before a judge sooner actually change the length of time they spend in pre-conviction detention? First of all, remand and bail hearings are not held in the new juvenile military court, so considerations of the child’s wellbeing are rarely raised — the use of detention as a first resort, as opposed to a last resort, has not changed. Secondly, seeing a judge sooner and more frequently has not led to any discernible reduction in the amount of time spent in detention or the ease with which the courts deny bail, according to the report.

Did the change allowing a greater role for defendants’ parents in the juvenile military court system lead to an improvement in advocacy for the child and their best interests? According to B’Tselem, however, the change is almost entirely symbolic, and parental involvement remains minimal. Parents do not have the right to be present during their children’s interrogation, nor does the army actually update parents on the details of their child’s detention.

The biggest problem is that none of the changes have affected the way Palestinian juveniles are arrested, interrogated, and remanded to custody without bail. As long as the system is designed to churn out confessions that lead to plea deals — and the protections for those earlier stages of custody remain unimplemented — reforms to the trial system inside the new juvenile courts will remain virtually moot. Palestinian children rarely stand trial and the merits and circumstances of their confessions are never critically reviewed by a judge.

Yael Marom is Just Vision’s public engagement manager in Israel and a co-editor of Local Call, where a longer version of this article first appeared in Hebrew. Read it here


#Occupation

Ahed Tamimi, 17, became hero to Palestinians after 15 December incident outside her home (AFP)

Thursday 22 March 2018 0:33 UTC

Ahed Tamimi, the teenage Palestinian girl who was filmed kicking and slapping an Israeli soldier in the occupied West Bank, accepted a plea deal on Wednesday under which she will be sentenced to eight months in prison, her lawyer said.

Tamimi, 17, became a hero to Palestinians after the 15 December incident outside her home in the village of Nabi Saleh was streamed live on Facebook by her mother and went viral.

The soldiers had deployed during a weekly Palestinian protest in the village against Israeli policy on settlements in the West Bank, one of the most heated issues in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

Tamimi was 16 at the time of the offence. Her trial began last month and she faced 12 charges, including aggravated assault.

"No justice under occupation!" Tamimi, handcuffed and shackled, shouted out to reporters at court in the Ofer military prison, near the West Bank city of Ramallah.

Tamimi's attorney Gaby Lasky said that under the deal approved by the court, Tamimi will plead guilty to a reduced charge sheet that includes assault and would be sentenced to eight months in jail and pay a fine of 5,000 shekels (about $1,430). The Israeli military confirmed the details of the deal.

It broke the stereotyped image of the Palestinian in the international community
- Bassem Tamimi, Ahed's father

Lasky said the jail term included the time Tamimi has spent in detention since her arrest in December.

Tamimi's family are veterans of protests against an Israeli settlement near their home. An Israeli watchtower stands at the entrance to the village and there are often soldiers in the area. Her mother, Nariman, and a cousin were also arrested. Both have accepted plea bargains, a family lawyer said.
"When the European people see my daughter, blonde and blue-eyed, they are shaken, because they saw their children in front of them. It broke the stereotyped image of the Palestinian in the international community," Tamimi's father, Bassem Tamimi told Reuters.

The images of Tamimi striking the soldier had also made an impact on Israelis, who debated whether the officer should have hit back. The army said the soldier “acted professionally” by showing restraint but right-wing politicians described his behavior as humiliating.

"The honour of Israel's army cannot be trampled" Israeli Culture Minister Miri Regev said on her Facebook page after the incident. "We cannot have a situation in which soldiers are humiliated and hit and they do not act at that moment and arrest those who hurt them."

The Israeli army said in a statement after the sentence that it "will continue operating in order to preserve the security and public order in (the West Bank) and enforce the law as it pertains to anyone who harms (Israeli) soldiers and incites violence."
Ahed in court
Tamimi's trial
Tamimi's trial began on 13 February behind closed doors at the Israeli military court in the West Bank.

Lasky appealed to have the trial opened, but was rejected.

The court ordered the trial closed because Ahed was being tried as a minor, as is usual in such cases.

"When they decided to keep her trial behind closed doors, we knew that we were not going to get a fair trial," 

Lasky told AFP in describing her reasons for seeking a plea bargain.

The UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights has criticised Israeli authorities' actions in the case, while the European Union has expressed concern over Israel's detention of minors, including Ahed Tamimi.

When they decided to keep her trial behind closed doors, we knew that we were not going to get a fair trial

Gaby Lasky, Tamimi's father

"Ahed will be home in a few months, but Israel is putting this child behind bars for eight months for calling for protests and slapping a soldier, after threatening her with years in jail," 

Sarah Leah Whitson, executive director of the Middle East division of Human Rights Watch, said in a statement.

Tamimi's family says the 15 December incident that led to the arrests occurred in the yard of their home in Nabi Saleh, near Ramallah in the West Bank.

The Israeli military said the soldiers were in the area to prevent Palestinians from throwing stones at Israeli motorists.

The video shows the cousins approaching two soldiers and telling them to leave before shoving, kicking and slapping them.

The scuffle took place amid clashes and protests against US President Donald Trump's controversial recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital.

Palestinians want the West Bank for a future state, along with East Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip. Most countries consider Israeli settlements built on territory Israel captured in the 1967 Middle East war to be illegal.

Israel disputes that its settlements are illegal and says their future should be determined in peace talks with the Palestinians. Negotiations collapsed in 2014 and efforts by the White House to restart them have showed little progress.

Tamimi's case drew global attention. Amnesty International called her the "Rosa Parks of Palestine", and the small courtroom was often packed with journalists, diplomats and international observers during hearings.

A group of American cultural figures, including actors Danny Glover and Rosario Dawson and novelist Alice Walker, signed a petition calling for her release and comparing her case to those of "the children of immigrants and communities of color who face police brutality in the United States".

Three reasons why Israel backed down, and Ahed Tamimi will walk free

The Israeli military was forced to give in and drop 8 of the charges against Ahed as part of a plea bargain, in which Ahed recognized in court the fact that she slapped the soldier and called for protests. In return, Ahed will get the minimum sentence of 8 months instead of spending at least 3 years in prison based on what the military prosecutor was initially seeking. Lawyers at Ofer Military Court told us we would be lucky if they offered a 2 year plea bargain. But now, Ahed will be out in July — early enough to go to her first year in college. For the next 4 months in prison, Ahed will focus on her studies and take her final year exams. Ahed’s mother, Nariman, will also be released at the same time.

The fact that a child will be jailed for 8 months for slapping a soldier whose troops just shot her 15 year old cousin in the face is extreme, but in the context of the 99% conviction rate in the Israeli military court system and right-wing incitement against Ahed, this compromise by the Israeli military shows they have decided to back down in the face of growing pressure to release Ahed. In fact, they were begging Ahed’s lawyer, Gaby Lasky, to accept the plea bargain. 

Below are the 3 main reasons why the Israeli military was forced to back down, and give Ahed the minimum possible sentence:

(1) Ahed refused to be coerced so there wasn’t enough evidence to convict her

Israel subjected Ahed Tamimi to intense military interrogations led by a member of Israel’s military intelligence. The interrogation tactics were meant to coerce her into admitting guilt on the 12 charges brought against her. Detained children, who are often beaten, disoriented, and afraid, end up saying anything the interrogator wants them to — but Ahed courageously maintained her right to remain silent throughout the entire interrogation.

Unable to break Ahed, the Israeli military arrested 10 other Palestinians from Nabi Saleh, 8 of them children. These children also remained steadfast and refused to allow the military to coerce them into giving false testimony to indict Ahed.

Hence, the prosecutor did not have enough evidence to indict Ahed, which made it difficult to complete here trial, especially while it was garnering significant international attention.

(2) Ahed’s case created massive global uproar from citizens to diplomats: millions around the world watched in shock as a 16 year old girl was terrorized, and Israel failed to spin the story.

After a massive right-wing Israeli campaign calling for the arrest, and sometimes even murder, of Ahed, which was followed by her arrest, Ahed quickly became a symbol of Palestinian children. 

Dozens of media networks flocked to cover her story, and in so doing shed a spotlight on the detention of Palestinian children in Israeli military courts. Over 1.75 million people around the world took action with Avaaz and demanded that Ahed and Palestinian children be released. Amnesty and Human Rights Watch joined her campaign — and news networks from the BBC to Xinhua, and from CNN to Al Jazeera reported her story.

In an effort to spin the story in Israel’s favor, former Israeli Ambassador to the United States, Michael Oren, claimed that the ‘Tamimi family were actors’, which journalists did not buy. Oren further claimed that the Knesset had a committee investigating the “authenticity” of the family, which was quietly ridiculed in diplomatic circles as a sign of Israel’s paranoia and its inability to humanize Palestinians.

In a last ditch effort to defame the Tamimi family, 15 year old Mohammad Tamimi, whose skull was shattered when a soldier shot him in his face, was arrested. Ahed slapped the soldier because she heard her cousin Mohammad was shot and in critical condition — and that story intensified global support for her case. The Israeli military interrogated Mohammad and successfully coerced him into saying he got his head injury (a third of his skull was missing and he needed surgery to replace it) from falling off of a bicycle. Major General Yoav Mordecai posted Mohammad’s “confession” on his Facebook page. However, the Tamimi family quickly released x-rays, footage, and hospital records that proved without a doubt that Mohammad was shot, forcing the military to retract.

Mohammad Tamimi — skull shattered by a bullet fired from an Israeli soldier during protests in Nabi Saleh. His injury led Ahed to confront, and slap, the soldiers firing at kids from her home’s front porch.





Diplomatically, many nations that were already worried about the ill-treatment of Palestinian children in Israeli military prisons spoke up. The EU said it was “deeply concerned” about the arrest of minors. Diplomats from around the world were mobilised to watch Ahed’s hearing, with representatives from Germany, France, Belgium, Spain, and many others attending her trial.

(3) Ahed’s arrest was supposed to deter Palestinian youth but instead it inspired them to organise

The Israeli military hoped that the arrest of Ahed would deter the youth of Nabi Saleh (Ahed’s village) and Palestinians across the region from protesting. What happened was the opposite: The youth were inspired by Ahed’s agency, and protests in Nabi Saleh and elsewhere became larger and more intense.

Youth from the villages around Nabi Saleh also joined its protests. And Palestinian students began the process of organising a #March_for_our_freedom. Fearing further upheaval, and unwilling to make Ahed a bigger hero, the Israeli military was forced to give in and drop 8 of the charges against Ahed. Instead of spending over 3 years in prison based on what they had initially pursued, she will now be out in July — early enough to go to her first year in college. The only thing she was booked for were the things in the video — slapping a soldier and calling for protests. They dropped the charge of inciting to bombings and stabbings for her and her mother, and the charge of stone throwing. For the next 4 months in prison, Ahed will focus on her studies and take her final year exam.

It is essential that we tell Ahed’s story as it is, one of steadfastness in prison and a failure by the military to break her. In court, Ahed said: “There is no justice under occupation.” She’s right, and that’s why this plea deal, as unfair as it is, was the best she could hope for and the biggest possible compromise the Israeli military, under pressure, could give. There are 356 children, all like Ahed, still in military confinement. Every year over 750 children are arrested. Let’s continue to take action until they are all free.

Check out the HUGE campaign to free Ahed and all Palestinian children here: