Showing posts with label Israeli refugees. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Israeli refugees. Show all posts

24 November 2019

Israel’s Kulturkampf – ‘Culture’ Minister Miri Regev’s War on Subversive Art


The McCarthyist Attacks on Israel’s Dissident Theatres is Symptomatic of a Settler Colonial Regime


At the beginning of October I received a letter from an old Israeli associate, Professor Avraham Oz of Haifa University. Avraham is a professor of theatre and a long standing supporter of the left in Israel.
The letter (see below) was an appeal for funding. The Alfa Theatre in Haifa was threatened with the loss of its state funding because of the attack on dissident culture in Israel.
A particularly nasty type of informer, Shai Glick, had been busy writing to government departments and anyone else who will listen to him, branding any manifestation of support for the Palestinians as support for ‘terrorism’. 
Emeritus Professor Avraham Oz
It is a phenomenon we see in this country and now in the Labour Party with people acting as informers. I wrote to one such person only the other day, a Sim Elliot in Brighton Labour Party, who had informed on a local left-wing activist, Paddy O’Keefe, who had the temerity to associate ex-MP Ian Austen with Israeli funding. Informers hold a particular place in Jewish history.
An article on Jewish Ethics, Gossip, Rumors and Lashon Hara (Evil Speech) tells of how
‘the rabbis [of classical Judaism in late antiquity], in inveighing against it, often resorted to hyperbolic language, e.g. in saying that slander, talebearing, and evil talk were worse than the three cardinal sins of murder, immorality, and idolatry. Of one who indulges in lashon hara they say that he denies the existence of God, and that the Almighty declares “I and he cannot live in the same world”
The damage that informing could do was demonstrated during the Nazi era when informers, in particular Jewish informers, led to the deaths of many Jews hiding out from the Nazis such as the ‘U boats’ in Vienna. There are few words to describe such people. It is a measure of the ‘anti-Semitism’ moral panic in the Labour Party that creatures such as Sim  Elliot have emerged.
Bismark - he began the Kulturkampf
It is ironic that Israel’s government, paralysed as it is by political stagnation and the indictment of Netanyahu  on criminal charges, should emulate the Kulturkampf of the Prussian state when it waged war on the Catholic Church. What Bismark began Goebbels finished.
Israel’ ‘Culture’ Minister, Miri Regev, has been to the fore of this assault on Israeli cultural organisations. Previously Regev has said that she is proud to be a “fascist” and considers fascism to be an integral part of Israeli culture. At the end of last year she was temporarily halted in her attempt  to introduce a cultural loyalty bill. If passed it would have allowed the Culture Ministry to deny funding to cultural works that disrespect state symbols, consider Independence Day to be a day of mourning, or incite to violence or terrorism.
In other words any play which is based on the events of the Nakba, which to Palestinians is a day of mourning, would not only be defunded but would be subject to concerted attempts to ban them if they were held on government or local authority premises.
In 202 Regev attended an anti-refugee demonstration in the South of Tel Aviv and declared that the Sudanese are a cancer in our body". She provoked a pogrom against the Black African refugees who eke out a poverty stricken life in the city, 20% of whose wages are stolen by the State as a ‘deposit’ to be repaid if and when they leave the country. They are not entitled to health care nor do their children receive education. 
Regev was outraged when  her critics dressed her up in Nazi uniform. Under the IHRA that would be considered anti-Semitic! She did in the end apologise for her remarks saying she regretted comparing cancer patients to refugees!
Under Threat
The State of Israel has learnt well from the treatment of Jews in other countries but we should not forget that Zionism is nothing if not consistent. In the diaspora it held that anti-Semites were right to object to the presence Jews in their midst.  Zionism has always been ‘understanding’ about anti-Semitism.
Israel's fascist 'culture' Minister Miri Regev
Chaim Weizmann, the first President of the Israeli State and former President of the World Zionist Organisation wrote in his autobiography Trial and Error (pp. 90-91) about the leader of the anti-Semitic British  Brothers League, William Evans Gordon MP, who campaigned at the beginning of the 20th century against the immigration of Jewish refugees from the Czarist pogroms:
‘our people were rather hard on him. The Aliens Bill in England and the movement which grew around it were natural phenomenon which might have been foreseen... Sir William Evans-Gordon had no particular anti-Jewish prejudices... He acted as he thought, according to his best lights and in the most kindly way, in the interests of his country… he was sincerely ready to encourage any settlement of Jews almost anywhere in the British Empire, but he failed to see why the ghettos of London or Leeds or Whitechapel should be made into a branch of the ghettos of Warsaw and Pinsk.
One of the consequences of Israel’s move to the Right and the almost  complete incorporation of the West Bank is the erosion of democratic rights, even for Israeli Jews. There is nothing new in this. South Africa was also portrayed as a democracy, albeit for Whites but slowly but surely the democratic rights even of the settler minority were circumscribed.
The following letter was received by the Alfa Theatre, from Shai Glick, a self-appointed informer, via his organization "In His Image". In his letter to the Minister of Culture Glick alleged that events being performed at the theatre contravened the Nakba Act and the Jewish Nation State Law. Shai Glick has form (see Ha'aretz’s ‘Every regime has its informers’
The context is that the theatre was rented for an event to be held by B’tselem and Parents Against Child Detention on November 20th, International "Children Rights Day," under the title: "Children in Chains: Detention of Minors on the West Bank and East Jerusalem". This caused Glick to see red!
Professor Emeritus Avraham Oz
Department of Hebrew and Comparative Literature
University of Haifa

Alfa Theatre
An event which could breach the "Nakba Law"- an event concerning the arrest of terrorists
1.     I have been exposed to an announcement regarding an event which focuses on the detention of terrorists at your theatre. The event takes place on 20.11:
2.     The event takes place on the "Children rights Day." Instead of worrying indeed about the rights of children not to be assaulted by terrorists, you worry about the terrorists.
3.     It is important to emphasize that terrorists are terrorists at any age and any situation.
4.     It is important to emphasize that the Budget Basics Act, clause 3b states clearly that an event promoting terrorism or violence or insulting the State of Israel will not be sponsored.
5.     In addition, the proprietor of the venue will incur immense fines.
6.     It is not improbable that in such an event speeches will be delivered which support the acts of terrorists, and in general the whole event may constitute support of terror.
7.     Only recently you gained official state recognition. Would you care to lose it?
8.     Only recently Al-Midan Arab Theatre was closed, a closure warrant was issued to Barbour Gallery and the Co-Existence Forum in the South.
9.     The Jaffa Theatre as well suffered bitter reproachment for events supporting terrorism, and Tmuna Theatre cancelled a similar event for such reason.
10. You are a theatre, not a stage for terrorism, incitement and boycott.
11. Be reminded that the Managing Director of the "Betselem" organization has in the past expressed and implied support of the boycott, and this as well may be regarded as breach of the law.
12.  To summarize, to avoid endangering your financial support, I recommend you to cancel the event.
13.  As I will tender an official complaint of course to the Ministry of Culture and the Minister of Finance who is in charge of the Law, and as inspectors were sent to the Jaffa Theatre, secret inspectors will be sent to you as well on that evening, and every statement may be considered a violation, and enough said. Let me point out that you may be charged by a criminal charge insofar as inciting speeches will occur. Be warned!
Sincerely,
Shai Glick
Director
"In His Image" organization

Cc:
The Minister of Culture
The Minister of Finance
Members of the committee for enforcing the Law
Legal Consultant of the Ministry of Culture     
Legal Consultant of the Ministry of Finance
The Bureau of the Attorney General
The Deputy Attorney General 
Note his comment that 'terrorists are terrorists at any age'. In other words the treatment by Israel's military of Palestinian children - from blindfolding to torture - is justified because they are 'terrorists'.
Below is the Appeal Letter from Professor Oz. At the end of it are details of how you can make a donation. It is possible to make a donation via Paypal and if you e-mail avitaloz@gmail.com you will receive details of how to do this.
Dear Tony,
For the first time I have to resort to ask your support for our major theatrical project, the Alfa Theatre, Tel Aviv. In its 9 years of existence, our theatre, combined with the Academy of Performing Arts, has produced non-commercial theatre productions, involving professional actors both Jews and Arabs and trained actors in Hebrew and Arabic.
In a hostile atmosphere, we are one of the few theatres welcoming Palestinian actors, otherwise shunned by most theatres, some of them cast in major roles (such as Mohammad Bakri in the title role of The House of Bernarda Alba, Suheil Haddad as Shylock, Morad Hassan as Woyzeck, Maisa Abdelhadi – a graduate of the Academy – in Dusa, Fish, Stas & Vi); employed Palestinian directors such as Moneer Bakri, Amer Hlehel and Akram Telawi; and produced plays in Arabic alongside our Hebrew.
After years of applying to the Ministry of Culture, we were last year granted recognition as a fringe theatre centre; however, a play we have offered for financial support, critically dramatizing the origins of the Zionist narrative, was first warmly approved and budgeted by the professional commission of the Ministry, yet suddenly that approval was suspended on awkward procedural grounds. When we applied for funds for the current year (including that very play) we met with another rigid procedural difficulties, leading to suspension of our entire financial support, thus threatening the closure of our theatre after 9 years of praise and success financed almost exclusively from our private resources (with a couple of minor donations for particular projects).
We have no evidence that the "procedural" difficulties repeatedly suspending our State support are politically motivated, but to judge by the policy of the Ministry of Culture which has recently brought to the closure of the only State supported Arab theatre in Israel, and the strong anti-Arab incitement used by PM Netanyahu and Minister of Culture Regev in the recent elections campaign brings to mind such suspicion.
While contesting the moves of the Ministry in Court, we have no choice but to depend for our survival on support from donations of the public until our case is heard, and the next round of budget support comes. We have launched a public campaign for fund resources inside the country, which has already met generous response, but that is not enough to make us survive. We need to reach at least $40,000 to replace the projected State support denied us, of which we have gathered so far about 61%. We therefore apply for your kind support to help us reach our goal no later than the end of next month, so that our artistic activity makes us eligible to apply for next year's State support. Otherwise, our 9 year project will close and the theatre demise.
Any sum, from the price of a theatre ticket upwards will be welcome. You may make your donation by credit card in US $, Euro €, or UK £ (American Express, though, can only be paid by US $) or by Paypal,
via the following, highly secured link:
Or by direct transfer to our charity's bank account:
Bank Mizrahi Tefahot
Branch 669,
Account no 669-390997: Gilboa Theatre Charity
Iban: IL07-0206-6900-0000-0390-997
Swift code: MIZBILITXXX
Thank you for any support, big or small and, most important: please feel free to circulate this among friends.
Professor Avraham Oz
Department of Hebrew and Comparative Literature
University of Haifa

See also:

Ruling on Divisive 'McJesus' Sculpture Fulfills Israeli Culture Minister's Censorship Fantasies

Following years of attempts by Miri Regev to curb offensive artistic expression, this week a court in Haifa upheld the mayor's right to intervene in content at a municipal museum to 'maintain public order'
Feb 14, 2019 9:29 PM
The Haifa District Court's decision this week permitting Haifa’s mayor to intervene in artistic content at municipally owned arts institutions to "maintain public order" is a dream come true for Culture and Sports Minister Miri Regev, who has sought to curb artistic expression that she found offensive.
The district court issued the ruling in support of a decision by Haifa Mayor Einat Kalisch-Rotem to have the municipally owned Haifa Museum of Art remove "McJesus," a sculpture that sparked violent protests following an outcry by the city's Christian Arab community. "McJesus," which depicted a crucified Ronald McDonald, the McDonald's mascot, was featured in a display on the commercial use of sacred images.
Since taking office as culture minister, Regev has tried time and again to exert her influence over institutions, municipalities and local councils to present certain works of art and refrain from exhibiting others. She has seen nothing wrong with such intervention and hasn't hesitated to make her censorship demands public. She also hasn't hesitated to cut state funding to institutions that fail to accede to her dictates.
To her dismay, however, most of her threats had been ineffective, and as a result, she tried to pass a cultural loyalty bill that would give her authority to deny state funding cultural institutions on a number of grounds specified in the bill. In most of the instances in which Regev has sought to censor artistic content, the Association for Civil Rights in Israel has intervened, prompting a deputy attorney general to advise her that she could not legally do so.
Three and a half years ago, Regev threatened to cut the budget of the Jerusalem Theater Festival if it showed a documentary about the family of Yigal Amir, who assassinated Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. Ultimately a compromise was reached to show the film but not under the festival's auspices.
A short time later, she threatened to deduct funds from the Tel Aviv Cinematheque if it hosted a festival sponsored by the Zochrot organization about the Nakba, a reference to the Palestinians who fled or were expelled in the course of the Israeli War of Independence. A committee appointed by Regev found that its content wasn’t illegal.
Last year she threatened to put a halt to the Cinema South film festival over its showing of a documentary about Bedouin women in the Negev. In the end, the film was shown as scheduled.
The biggest fuss that Regev mounted over a film was in connection with Samuel Maoz’s “Foxtrot.” After attacking the film in every possible setting, she decided not to confine her threats to Israel alone. In February 2018, she pressured the Foreign Ministry and the Prime Minister’s Office to withdraw their financial support for the Israeli film festival in Paris, where "Foxtrot" was scheduled as the opening film.
She also tried to cut funding to the Jaffa Theater. In 2017, she urged Attorney General Avichai Mendelblit and Finance Minister Moshe Kahlon to follow suit over the showing of a movie honoring Palestinian poet Dareen Tatour. Two months ago, she raised the issue again with Kahlon, this time demanding monetary sanctions against the arts center at Hansen House in Jerusalem, which hosted an exhibition that included one of Tatour’s poems.
About two years ago, Regev roundly objected to a poster designed by a student, 12 copies of which where hung up at the Mount Scopus campus of the Bezalel Academy of Art and Design in Jerusalem. It depicted Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu with a hangman’s noose in front of his face. Although the posters were taken down after a short time, Regev called on Education Minister Naftali Bennett to withhold funds from Bezalel.
A few weeks earlier, Regev had asked the mayor of Haifa at the time, Yona Yahav, to reconsider permitting the Israeli-Arab rapper Tamer Nafar to appear at a Jewish-Arab cultural festival, saying that the singer “uses every opportunity on stage to oppose the idea of the State of Israel as a state of the Jewish people.” A year later she asked the mayor to cancel a Zochrot-sponsored event and a Nakba film festival at the municipal cinematheque. She also called on Finance Minister Kahlon to penalize the Tel Aviv Cinematheque for hosting the Nakba film festival (despite the prior finding of a panel that she had appointed that the festival was not in violation of the law.)
Two years ago, Regev tried to persuade the mayor of Jerusalem at the time, Nir Barkat, to shut down the Barbur Gallery, for hosting an event by the anti-occupation group Breaking the Silence on its municipally owned premises. Last summer when Regev learned the same gallery was to host a Nakba event for Zochrot, she demanded the attorney general advance legislation to deny it funding. The city said the gallery would be shut, but that decision is now on appeal.
See also

·         Culture minister blocked from cutting Haifa museum funds over ‘McJesus’ controversy

·         Hundreds protest in Israel over 'McJesus' art exhibit

·         Miri Regev’s obnoxious assault on Gantz is taken from Donald Trump’s playbook


29 June 2018

In Israel non-Jewish Life is Cheap

For Killing a Palestinian prisoner 9 months, for slapping an Israeli soldier 8 months - Israeli Justice at its finest


The Lynching of Hoftar Zarhum

When Palestinian prisoners went on hunger strike to demand better conditions, the standard Israeli retort was that of Avi Dichter, the Public Security Minister and former head of Shin Bet, Israel's MI5:  ‘Barghouti Has Blood on His Hands, Must Stay in Prison’.

Of course if you are Jewish then having the blood of Palestinians on your hands is no problem.  Indeed it can be a positive boon.  Elor Azaria, an Israeli army medic no less, who fired at point blank range at a Palestinian lying prone on the ground because he had allegedly tried to stab a soldier with a knife, became a hero.  His charge was reduced from murder, which it obviously was, to manslaughter. Why are Israelis lauding soldier Elor Azaria as a hero?  
Sentenced to a ludicrous 18 months imprisonment even this was successively reduced to 9 months. As a final insult to his victim, Azaria was let out of prison two days early in order to attend his brother’s wedding.
Ahed Tamimi
Indeed Azaria received just one month more for murdering a Palestinian than Ahed Tamimi did for slapping a heavily armed soldier who invaded the grounds of her house.  Remember that originally Education Minister Naftali Bennett had said that Ahed should spend the rest of her life in prison.
None of this should surprise people.  In 2009 Rabbis Yitzhak Shapira and Yosef Elitzur wrote a book, Torat HaMelech (the King’s Torah).  This learned study explained how it was possible to murder non-Jews, including children and infants, according to halacha (Jewish law) without incurring a penalty.  As should be widely known, the Talmud makes a distinction between the killing of a Jew and a non-Jew, only the former of which is a capital offence. [see Murder and Genocide in Jewish Religious Law, Israel Shahak]
Attorney General Yehuda Weinstein declared that the authors would not be prosecuted.  In the case of the leader of the Northern League, Sheikh Raed Salah, the Israeli state pulled out all the stops to convict him  of incitement to hatred, even though the evidence was so tenuous that the original decision to acquit him by the Jerusalem Magistrates Court had to be overturned by the Jerusalem District Court in a nakedly political decision.  

Raed Salah had allegedly invoked the Jewish blood libel myth in an attack on the Israeli authorities for barring access to the Al Aqsa and Golden Dome mosques.  However Raed Salah denied making any such comparison.  As he exclaimed “Show me one Jewish inciter who has been jailed.” 
That is why the horrific incident below when an Eritrean refugee was lynched by Israeli vigilantes is so outrageous.    Their punishment?  Not the 35 years for Marwan Barghouti or other Palestinians, but community service.  This is yet another reason why Israel is an apartheid state.  Justice for Palestinians is always different from that for Jews.
Tony Greenstein


In all the annals of miscarriage of justice, Israel-style, this one is right up there.  Two years ago, during the Knife Intifada, an Israeli Bedouin attacked the Beersheva bus station.  One soldier was killed and ten others wounded.  In all the confusion, Israeli vigilante bystanders, who included both police personnel and prison guards, saw an Eritrean refugee, Haftom Zarhum, who'd come to Beersheva to renew his work visa.
Hoftar Zarhum, lynched by bloodthirsty Israeli vigilantes who get slap on the wrist for cold-blooded murder
Even though Eritrean refugees look nothing like Palestinians and he had no weapon, they decided that Zarhum was the terrorist and began assaulting him.  Eight shots were fired into his body from almost point-blank range.  They kicked him in the head and beat him senseless.  Then the "piece de la resistance" of torture was the vigilante who ripped a row of metal chairs from the floor, ran over to the victim and brought the entire apparatus down on his head with full force.  Though the coroner said the bullets killed him, this was certainly the coup de grâce (I don't know French well enough to know that the opposite of grace is in this case--the word is certainly is inapt in this grisly case).
I posted about this case when it was first reported.  Though there was tremendous soul-searching in some Israeli circles about the savagery of this attack.  I apologize for the violence in the above video--I usually eschew this approach to reporting, but this incident is so egregious I want everyone who can stomach it to watch the horrific violence and consider where it comes from and what it means).  Some Israelis were horrified by the homicidal racism which spurred this lynching.
But I knew in my heart it would all be swept under the rug.  That indeed is what the Israeli justice system proposes.  After all the outrage, the overwhelming force of the national security state came to bear.  The police and prison authority united to protect their own.  As a result, the guy (referred to as "Moyal" in the passage below) who smashed Zarhum with the chairs gets off scot-free (just after the killing he told an interviewer: "what's to apologize for?").  The other seven defendants get off with no jail time at all.  They will do community service and perhaps shed a crocodile tear or two (or not) and return to their lives:
Under the plea bargain offered, Moyal, who had worked at a shwarma sandwich shop at the bus station during the incident, will be convicted of abusing a helpless person. The penalty under law is up to seven years in prison. The original charge, of aggravated assault, carries up to 20 years imprisonment. But if the plea bargain is approved, Moyal won’t do a day behind bars, after the prosecution agreed to community service, the extent of which will be determined by the court. Moyal’s defense lawyers will also be able to demand that Moyal’s conviction be set aside...
In June 2016, a Prisons Service tribunal decided against charging prison warden Hananiya Shabbat for involvement in the mob attack on Zarhum.
In some circles they'll even be applauded as heroes of the nation just as the IDF murderer of Abd al-Fatah a-Sharif, Elor Azarya, was hailed as the conquering hero after the IDF brought him up on relatively minor charges in the aftermath of the cold-blooded execution.  They'll say of the Beersheva killers: "well you never know with these people. He could very well have been a terrorist.  You did what you thought best to protect us."
But make no mistake, this was an act of terrorism, cold-blooded vigilante lynching like what Southern whites did to Blacks a century ago.  It doesn't matter what the killers thought they were doing or how confusing the situation might have been.  This was blood vengeance.  And the Israeli justice system's whitewashing of the legal case with these pathetic sentences is state sanctioning of such terrorism.
This is the fate of African refugees in Israel.  Viewed as little more than infiltrators. A spreading cancer, toxic to the Jewish state and its pure bloodlines.  Instead of, if not welcoming, them, at least being cognizant of the Jewish people's historic responsibility to treat strangers with a minimum of dignity, they are hated, imprisoned, and expelled, contrary to international humanitarian law.  This is but one of many reasons I believe it's a misnomer to call Israel a Jewish state.  It ignores or even disdains some of the most cherished traditions of Judaism, in favor of a truculent, violent, even homicidal version of the religion, which I prefer to call Judeanism.  Personally, I find this distorted religion to be little more than pagan idolatry, the worship of supposedly historical myths, relics and ruins, in favor of real living people and ethical values.

1 September 2015

The million missing Israelis

Why more Jews leave Israel than enter each year

Ben-Gurion Airport
The  Bigot's Poster is aimed at African Jews in Israel
An interesting article from 2011 which I’ve just seen.  Despite having longed for a Jewish state for over 2,000 years, according to the Zionist myth, over 1 million of the ingrates have nonetheless packed their bags and headed for Western Europe, the United States and elsewhere.
What is particularly interesting is that nearly half of Israeli youth would prefer to live somewhere else if they could. And ironically, one of the most prized passports that Israelis can obtain is a German passport.  So much so that a few years ago, Israeli Foreign Minister David Levy made a trip to Germany, the sole purpose of which was to persuade Germany not to admit Jews as citizens.

Fluctuating Jewish population in Europe
Over more than six decades of statehood, successive Israeli governments have repeatedly stressed the centrality of Jewish immigration and the Law of Return of all Jews to Israel for the well-being, security, and survival of the nation. Yet while much is published on Jewish immigration to Israel, considerably less information is available about Jewish emigration from Israel.
The Departure Board at Ben-Gurion
Government estimates of the numbers of Israelis residing abroad vary greatly due mainly to the lack of an adequate recording system. Consequently, scholars and others have questioned the accuracy of government figures. Besides the statistical and methodological shortcomings, the number of Israeli expatriates is open to considerable debate and controversy because of its enormous demographic, social, and political significance both within and outside Israel.
At the lower end is the official estimate of 750,000 Israeli emigrants — 10 percent of the population — issued by the Israeli Ministry of Immigrant Absorption, which is about the same as that for Mexico, Morocco, and Sri Lanka. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government places the current number of Israeli citizens living abroad in the range of 800,000 to 1 million, representing up to 13 percent of the population, which is relatively high among OECD countries. Consistent with this latter figure is the estimated 1 million Israelis in the Diaspora reported at the first-ever global conference of Israelis living abroad, held in this January.

Current estimates of Israelis living abroad are substantially higher than those for the past. During Israel’s first decade, some 100,000 Jews are believed to have emigrated from Israel. By 1980, Israel’s Central Bureau of Statistics estimated some 270,000 Israelis living abroad for more than a year, or 7 percent of the population. Several decades later, the number of Israeli emigrants had swelled to about 550,000 — or almost double the proportion at the end of the 1950s.

Spanish Synagogue - Spain is issuing passports to Jews who fled the Inquisition
Of the Israelis currently residing abroad, roughly 60 percent are believed to have settled in North America, a quarter in Europe, and 15 percent distributed across the rest of the world. It is estimated that about 45 percent of the adult Israeli expatriates have completed at least a university degree, in contrast to 22 percent of the Israeli population. The Israeli emigrants are deemed to be disproportionately secular, liberal, and cosmopolitan. Furthermore, the emigrants are generally younger than the immigrants to Israel, especially those from the former Soviet Union, hastening the aging of Israel’s population.

The often-cited reasons for Israeli emigration center on seeking better living and financial conditions, employment and professional opportunities, and higher education, as well as pessimism regarding prospects for peace. Consistent with these motives, one of the most frequently given explanations for leaving Israel is: "The question is not why we left, but why it took us so long to do so." And recent opinion polls find that almost half of Israeli youth would prefer to live somewhere else if they had the chance. Again, the most often-cited reason to emigrate is because the situation in Israel is viewed as "not good."

Another important factor contributing to the outflow of Jewish Israelis is previous emigration experience. As 40 percent of Jewish Israelis are foreign-born, emigration is nothing new for many in the country. Moreover, as Israeli emigrants cannot yet vote from abroad, they are likely to feel marginalized from mainstream Israeli society, further contributing to their decision to remain abroad as well as attracting others to do the same. Whether the Netanyahu government’s effort in the Knesset to approve a bill granting voting rights to Israelis living abroad will slow the trend is uncertain.
Adding to emigration pressures, many Israelis have already taken preliminary steps to eventually leaving. One survey found close to 60 percent of Israelis had approached or were intending to approach a foreign embassy to ask for citizenship and a passport. An estimated 100,000 Israelis have German passports, while more are applying for passports based on their German ancestry. And a large number of Israelis have dual nationality, including an estimated 500,000 Israelis holding U.S. passports (with close to a quarter-million pending applications).

Population projections show that Jewish Israelis will remain the large majority in Israel for the foreseeable future. However, it will be a challenge for Jewish Israelis to maintain their current dominant majority of approximately 75 percent, primarily due to higher fertility among non-Jewish Israelis — nearly one child per woman greater — the depletion of the large pool of likely potential Jewish immigrants, and large-scale Jewish Israeli emigration. Consequently, demographic projections expect the Jewish proportion of the country — which peaked at 89 percent in 1957 — to continue declining over the coming decades, approaching a figure closer to two-thirds of the population by mid-century.

The emigration of a large proportion of a country’s population, especially the well-educated and highly skilled, poses serious challenges for any nation. However, large-scale emigration is particularly problematic for Israel given its relatively small population, unique ethnic composition, and regional political context.

Moreover, not only is Israeli emigration increasing the influence of the orthodox Jewish communities, it is also boosting the need for temporary, non-Jewish foreign workers, especially in agriculture, construction, and care-giving. The presence of more than 200,000 foreign workers — nearly half of whom are unauthorized and mainly from Asia (in particular Thailand and the Philippines, but also increasingly from Africa) — is also contributing to the changing ethnic composition of the country.
The departure of Jewish Israelis also contributes to the undermining of the Zionist ideology. If large numbers of Jewish Israelis are opting to emigrate, why would Jews who are well integrated and accepted in other countries immigrate to Israel? Furthermore, up to a quarter of young Israelis in Europe marry outside their faith. The majority do not belong to a Jewish community and do not participate in any Jewish activities. As with other expatriate groups in Western nations, Israelis living abroad often profess their intention to return. However, Israeli emigrants are likely to remain in their adopted countries insofar as they and their families have become successfully settled and integrated.
Israeli governments have already consistently perceived immigration levels as too low and emigration levels as too high. In addition to policies encouraging immigration for permanent settlement, Israel has programs and media campaigns actively promoting the return of Israelis residing overseas. The government also maintains connections with the country’s expatriates through mandatory registration in its consulates overseas and outreach programs and activities — and provides counseling, guidance, financial assistance, and tax benefits to returning citizens.

Despite these efforts, it is doubtful based on past and current trends that these various incentives and appeals will be sufficient to entice the return of the million missing Israelis. Large-scale emigration has not only resulted in critical demographic and socioeconomic imbalances in the country, but more importantly poses grave political challenges and jeopardizes the basic Jewish character and integrity of Israel.

Joseph Chamie is research director at the Center for Migration Studies, and Barry Mirkin is an independent consultant.

Bye, the Beloved Country - Why Almost 40 Percent of Israelis Are Thinking of Emigrating

According to a new survey, more than a third of Israelis would leave the country if they could, citing economic opportunities as the main reason. Who are the wannabe leavers, and what can be done to induce them to stay?

Sivan Klingbail and Shanee Shiloh Ha’aretz Dec 15, 2012

The idea of emigrating from Israel is present at every family dinner in the home of Shirlee (Haaretz has her full name), a scientist from the center of the country. More accurately, it’s conspicuous by the absence of two of her three sons. Her eldest son, Nir, 28, left Israel last February to join his brother Idan, 27, in Toronto, where he’s been living since completing his compulsory army service. The youngest brother is about to begin his military service.

The sons’ move was gradual. Idan went to Toronto to study and worked as a security guard for El Al while he was in university. He also became involved in the Jewish community and received a job offer from a large local company. According to Shirlee, “He had many opportunities there to develop personally and professionally, without begging and without favors, so he decided to stay.”

His older brother joined him because he felt, as his mother puts it, that “no one cared about him here. The people that get preferred are the ones who don’t serve, don’t contribute and don’t work, and in the end there is the difficulty of finding a job that suits his skills and will give him and his future family a decent living.”

But even though Shirlee is able to identify with her son’s feelings, she regrets his choice. “We did not educate our children to leave,” she says. “We are very involved and active socially, and we find it sad that they do not see their future in this country.”

Shirlee’s sons have not yet declared that they never intend to return, but she is afraid they will find it hard to come back. For her, it’s an ideological crisis. “We educated them that this is our home and our country, and that it’s wrong to give up your country. For us as parents, it is very difficult. We are left alone and it also involves a breakdown of values. This was not our dream.” In any event, Shirlee believes it’s the partner of each of her sons who will be the one to decide whether they return.
In her opinion, Israel’s finest sons and daughters are the ones leaving the country. “They are good, high-quality people who can contribute -- from doctors and nurses to engineers. The emigration phenomenon here was once branded ‘a fallout of cowards’ [by Yitzhak Rabin], but these days the people who are leaving are talented. They stand out abroad. They are considered smart and successful compared to the Canadians. Many don’t come back.”

Shirlee’s gut analysis is interesting against the backdrop of a survey conducted for Haaretz by the market-research firm Meida Shivuki C.I., under the management of Noam Raz and Merav Shapira. The survey found that 37 percent of Israelis are considering a move to a different country at some time in the future. At the same time, it’s noteworthy than only 2 percent of those surveyed said they are certain they will leave Israel -- it’s only a matter of time.

The primary reason the potential emigrants cite is the difficulty of getting ahead economically in Israel -- cited by 55 percent of those considering emigration. Raz terms this notion a “fantasy.” “We want to think we have a way out of here, but only 2 percent really intend to leave,” he explains.

Fantasy or reality, the fact cannot be ignored that many Israelis want, at some level, to live elsewhere. The tendency to consider leaving is most prominent among voters for center and left-of-center parties; the 30-49 age group; secular, salaried individuals; as well as among inhabitants of the south of the country and the Greater Tel Aviv area.

It’s important to point out that both the research for the article and the survey were carried out before Operation Pillar of Defense in the Gaza Strip last month, though the military escalation in the south was already intensifying and the winds of a potential war against Iran were blowing strong.

Equally important, however, is the fact that, according to various data, most of those who are thinking of leaving are not motivated by the security situation -- in fact, it’s the exact opposite. When the security threat mounts, the Israeli public views leaving as treason, and few emigrate at such times. Indeed, according to the researchers, few Israelis leave for ideological reasons, such as the occupation, antidemocratic legislation or even the emergency call-up orders, which have been widespread in recent years.

According to the State of the Nation Report for 2011-2012, published last month by the Taub Center for Social Policy Studies in Israel, the situation of the country’s young working families has worsened in the past five years (not taking into account Arab and Jewish ultra-Orthodox families, whose situation has been even more aggravated).

Figures issued by the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development, of which Israel is a member, show that Israel is lagging in most of the relevant indices. For example, Israel is 29th out of 36 countries in terms of investment in education. In health investment, Israel is third from last. Israel is in 25th place in the quality-of-life index and in last place in terms of government administration.
“What’s happening today in Israel recalls the process undergone by Jerusalem,” says Tomer Treves, a cofounder of URU (Wake Up), an association that promotes a civil agenda for the country. Jerusalem, he explains, “lives every possible conflict every day. Those who left the city over the years were people able to make a living, and the city grew poor. Without state funding it would not be sustainable.”

Treves terms this “the moving of the capable.” People are leaving, he says, “because of what became of the Zionist idea. The moment the tie with Israel is weakened, the point of remaining is measured by the quality of life, and Israel is not in a good place from that point of view.”

Indeed, the Haaretz survey shows clearly that voters for right-wing parties and people who are religiously traditional or Orthodox tend to say that they will not leave because Israel is the central place of the Jewish people. Not everyone who took part in the survey would agree with that proposition. Treves: “The right and the left in present-day Israel are in dispute over one issue: where on our scale of identity we place Jewish identity. The more of a humanist and liberal you are, the lower you situate your Jewish identity. It’s been like that ever since Benjamin Netanyahu whispered into the ear of [the late kabbalist] Rabbi Kaduri, ‘The leftists have forgotten what it is to be Jewish.’”

Many of those who categorize themselves as belonging to the political center or left will probably reject that claim (maybe even angrily). Nevertheless, a chasm seems to have opened between their conception of what it means to be Jewish and the way they grasp the state’s conception of what it means to be Jewish. The moment the decision to live in Israel is no longer based on values, economic parameters enter the equation -- at which point no few Israelis think their future lies in other, greener pastures.

Yes, it’s the economy. A graph published by Prof. Sergio DellaPergola, from the Institute of Contemporary Jewry at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, in the online journal Hagira (Migration) shows a rise in emigration from Israel in recent years. DellaPergola’s research was based on the data for departures from the country as compared with arrivals. His conclusion: in 2011, approximately 14,000 Israelis left the country and did not return.

At the same time, DellaPergola hastens to point out that the situation in Italy, where he was born, and in other Western countries is more acute. “I spent two months in Italy last summer,” he says. “The situation there is far more serious, particularly in terms of unemployment. The jobless rate is 9 percent for the country as a whole, but 34 percent among young people. Here in Israel, many people in the young age groups are working, whereas many in Italy have nothing. Even people in their late thirties are out of work. They do not marry and they live with their parents.”

Insurance policy

According to research done by Yossi Harpaz for his M.A. thesis in the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at Tel Aviv University, in 2007 more than 100,000 Israelis also held citizenship of countries in Central and Eastern Europe, twice as many as in 2000. Obtaining a foreign passport is considered a type of insurance policy rather than indicating an intention to emigrate. Also noteworthy is the ethnic identity of those who are getting the European passports: they are the children and grandchildren of people of European descent – generally speaking, Ashkenazim.

“It might not be politically correct to say this, but the Ashkenazim have been transformed from being identified with the state into a segment of their own,” says Noam Manella, a strategic consultant and lecturer in Israel and abroad about the effects of Generation Y --people born from the early 1980s -- on organizations and society. “The Ashkenazim have become one more population sector, like the ultra-Orthodox, the Arabs and the Russians,” he says. “Many Ashkenazim like to say humorously, ‘We have become a negligible minority in Israel,’ and then go on to ask themselves, ‘What connects me to the country?’ People today are looking for belonging based on fields of interest and life values, not only national belonging. If I feel alienated, then it’s preferable to feel that way in a more comfortable location -- one that also offers me diverse and interesting possibilities for professional development. A young Israeli start-up person can feel more of a kinship with an American counterpart in Silicon Valley than with the neighbor across the hall.”

The reason the local connection has become weakened, Manella says, is because the state itself unraveled the thread that links it to its citizens, in a decades-long process. He cites unequal army service, religious radicalization, the economic abandonment of the disadvantaged, and sweeping privatization.

The country has become more religious, he believes, and people who define themselves as liberals are finding it more difficult to connect with it. Education Minister Gideon Sa’ar, he adds, is trying to deepen people’s connection with the state but is doing so by evoking controversial symbols, such as sending schoolchildren on mandatory visits to Rachel’s Tomb in the territories. “That is a big mistake in terms of understanding the new ties that link people in the open world,” Manella says.
The solution, he says, entails a renewed sense of belonging, which he considers a national mission: “At one time, people were connected through large national symbols, but today the only thing that can create the connection is mutual commitment, and the state has to seize that -- equality in bearing the burden. The existential danger that once connected us is now separating us. That’s because the state has failed to generate compensation or a fair exchange for the existential problem in our region. The classic mistake is to try to connect people to the state through patriotic symbols, when what they are looking for is mutual commitment,” he concludes.

Glass ceiling

When it comes to the reverse direction of migrants – into the country – Israel occupies a special place. It’s seventh in terms of the number of immigrants in the country relative to population size. As a whole, the phenomenon of migration between countries has been growing in recent years. According to United Nations Population Division figures, in 2010 there were 214 million people living in a country different from the one in which they were born – an increase of 25 million in a decade.
In short, Prof. DellaPergola says, the rise in migration is a global phenomenon. “Switzerland has a higher emigration rate than Israel,” he notes. “Switzerland seems like an ideal country and its population is roughly the same size as Israel’s. The explanation for the leaving phenomenon there is the limitations caused by size. The result is an employment problem for talented people, who can easily find jobs abroad.”

In Della Pergola’s view, the limitations imposed by size in Israel are more significant and make many Israelis feel they have reached their own glass ceiling. He chooses to illustrate his analysis from his own milieu, the academic world. “It frustrates me as an academic to see the number of available teaching positions shrinking,” he says. “That is the problem faced by small countries.”

Israel’s mobility index for academics is very developed, DellaPergola says, owing largely to the large-scale cooperation with universities abroad. “Researchers nowadays talk about multinationalism,” he says. “Most of us have more than one significant attachment in life, even though for most of us the center of gravity lies in one location. Every emigrant can visit Israel 20 times a year if he wants. That influences the way we identify migrants.”

Despite the world trend and the fact that people with a good education get job offers abroad, Della Pergola believes that Israel can cope with the problem. “Policy in this regard needs to be reinforced,” he says. “We need to think more about suitable opportunities for the population structure here. When there is an educated population, as in Israel, the society needs solutions of employment for the educated. Research and development should be expanded.”

In any event, DellaPergola emphasizes that Israeli society continues to be very optimistic. He draws on UN data, which are untainted by bias, he points out. “The situation should be grasped as an opportunity, not a calamity. There are people who spend a day here and a day over there, five days in London and the weekend in Israel. The concept of who is a migrant needs to be revised accordingly; obstacles have to be removed and help should be given to those who want to live and work in Israel.”
According to the hard data, the scale of migration in Israel is three leavers per 1,000 residents. Michal Sabah, a doctoral student in demographics at the Hebrew University who also works for the Central Bureau of Statistics, notes that in comparison with developed countries -- such as, among others, the Netherlands, New Zealand and Australia -- migration from Israel is low.

Every society has a migrant profile, she explains. Israel follows the pattern of other developed countries: the higher the education level, the greater the likelihood of migration. Holders of doctorates are more likely to leave than people with high school or lower education.

Earlier studies show that holders of academic degrees are twice as likely to migrate as high school graduates. “Generally speaking, the migrants will have a technological education and have a male-dominated occupation. The prospect of a woman engaged in a ‘male’ occupation migrating is twice as high as that of a woman who is in a ‘feminine’ or mixed occupation,” Sabah adds.

The studies on which Sabah draws suggest that Jewish migrants have cause to be optimistic. Research conducted in the United States, which is the most popular target country for Jewish migrants, shows that Jews integrate within a relatively short time and improve their socioeconomic status. But don’t rush to pack your bags just yet. Sabah emphasizes that “in any event, 20 percent of the emigrants return to Israel.”

She continues: “Those who leave do so because they can. The assumption that underlies the theoretical models is that people make decisions rationally and compare the possibilities that they have in another country.”

It’s more difficult for Israelis to give up the perception that the country is their home. “Most people do not leave in order to migrate,” says Prof. Tamar Hermann, from the Open University’s Department of Sociology, Political Science and Communication. Hermann, who has done considerable research on the Israeli migration phenomenon, adds that many leave because of a specific job or for studies, but in some cases extend the time they intended to devote to that pursuit. “It is not planned migration but an ongoing development, which in the end comes down to emigration,” she says. “Few people pack their life’s belongings in advance with the aim of moving elsewhere permanently.”

According to Hermann, emigration from Israel is still not perceived as a success story. “It’s true that there is less criticism of those who leave. No one will speak of ‘a fallout of cowards’ any longer, but most [leaving] lead a middling life. They do not feel pride in their success and instead feel a need to apologize.”

The fact that Israelis tend not to declare their leaving as an act of emigration is related to their attachment to Israel, even after they have left. Israelis abroad maintain a warm relationship with Israel, Hermann notes, and quite a number return because of their children -- or, more accurately, because of the change their children undergo. “The children become Americans, Canadians or Europeans, and the parents feel they have lost their common language with them. Israeliness is generally not sustained in the second generation.”

Lack of hope

None of this comes as a surprise to Sharon Eyny and Amit Noy Nevo. A year and a half ago, they founded a company in New York to assist Israelis who move to the city. The company, called Get it Done NY, helps new arrivals find housing and a school for their children -- in short, to acclimatize. Nevo and her husband moved to New York in 1997. “We really wanted to try New York,” she says. “We were here for our honeymoon, fell in love with the city and decided to give it a try. We didn’t plan on staying this long,” she adds.

Eyny went to New York at a far younger age. Her parents left Israel when she was eight. At 17 she decided to return to Israel, but after a few years moved back to New York. “We founded the company after we identified the need for a service like ours,” Nevo says. “We were both involved even before. We knew about people who were coming here and that the number was increasing. We understood that many of them need help.”

As a longtime New Yorker, Eyny says she discerns a change in the profile of the Israelis coming to the city. “In the past they were in the 18-30 age bracket. They didn’t have much and came to New York to try their luck. These days there are a lot more families. That also has to do with the fact that there are now more options for families. The feeling used to be that New York is far away, but now people feel that it is much more accessible. To hop aboard a plane and go to Israel is also no big deal anymore, and people have more courage to go in the knowledge that they can always go back to visit.”
From conversations with families they have worked with, Nevo says the main reason people move from Israel to New York is economic. “These are people who feel they can earn more here than in Israel, and that in Israel they have run the gamut.” She adds that another reason is higher education: many people leave, because overseas they can develop academically in a way that is not possible in Israel. In addition, many of the families that leave think the educational level in Israel is not up to par.
Ran Harnevo, a high-tech entrepreneur, is much more blunt. “I have a relatively good excuse for not living in Israel,” he says with a smile. “We established a start-up in Israel, and after we raised $5 million I went to New York to develop the business side and get to know the market. That was four and a half years ago. The company was sold to AOL in 2010, but it’s still an Israeli-American company, with 70 employees in Israel.”

Harnevo, 38, moved to the United States with his wife; they now have an American-born daughter. In the period in which they have been living in New York, the number of Israelis working in the Internet sphere has grown apace. These days they are known as the “Israeli mafia,” Harnevo laughs. “There is talk in the city about why there are so many Israelis here,” he says. “We feel the growing desire to move in the form of more relocation requests. These days, when I think about going back to Israel, the question that comes up is, What I could do there?

“The Internet has become one of the big, attractive professions,” he adds. “It is totally global. It can’t be managed from Israel. We would not have succeeded if we had tried to run the company [5min Media] from Israel.” There are other reasons, too. “The feeling is that there is economic and political distress in Israel. That the Israeli middle class -- of which I see myself a part -- faces two stumbling blocks: one is the difficulty of being unable to do well economically, due to an uncompetitive, cartel-driven market; and the other is a lack of hope.

Politically, the discourse is one of despair. It’s a fanatic, illiberal discourse. An educated secular individual in his thirties, who is part of the smart, successful Internet industry in Israel, understands that this same route makes it possible for him to leave Israel.”

The tendency by high-tech people to leave the country seems clear and natural, but they are not the only ones who are finding work abroad with comparative ease. Even though the fact that Europe and the United States are reeling under the impact of the economic crisis would appear to make immigration more difficult, in practice there are certain professions which are in high demand abroad. They belong to what has been called the “creative class.”

The term was coined by the American-born economist and social scientist Richard Florida, as part of a theory he developed about urban renewal and economic development in post-industrial cities. According to Florida, cities that are able to attract members of the “creative class” will enjoy economic prosperity.

Many theoreticians reject his approach, but mayors of many big cities have warmly adopted it. The result is that the members of professions that fit the “creative” category -- designers, architects, high-tech personnel and others -- are considered desirable and find it easier to obtain work and residence permits.

Tel Aviv is considered a city that the creative class is fond of. But, for example, the architects who work for a salary in architectural firms will find it difficult to pay the city’s high rental fees. For Israelis, globalization -- which is nourishing the interest in the creative class -- has made the perennial question about the difficulty of living outside Israel almost anachronistic.

Harnevo hesitates for a moment when asked if it was hard for him to make the decision to live far from his native land. “I think there is something a little childish about the Israeli narrative,” he says. “The narrative insists that there is no place like Israel. It’s a powerful narrative and is implanted in you, but suddenly you discover that it’s not so. There are places like Israel and the skies do not fall when you leave. Those who go back do so not because there is no place like Israel, but because it’s their home and it really is hard to switch homes.”
Point of no return
Conversations about emigration from Israel often come down to the issue of the brain drain the country is experiencing. “The number of European university lecturers working in the 40 leading faculties in the United States is between 0.5 percent and 4 percent. In other words, for every 100 lecturers who work in Germany, 2.9 work in the United States. But for every 100 lecturers working in Israel, there are 25 working in the United States.” The speaker is the economist Prof. Dan Ben-David, who is the executive director of the Taub Center and teaches in the Department of Public Policy at Tel Aviv University.

Ben-David conducted a study of the brain-drain phenomenon five years ago. He explains that although the brain drain to the United States is not exclusively an Israeli phenomenon, there is nothing like it anywhere else in the world in terms of its proportions. “There are eight Israelis in the Computer Sciences Department of Stanford, which is almost a subdepartment,” he says with a half-smile. He is concerned not only about the future of the universities in Israel but about the country’s character and image as a whole. “I am apprehensive that we will reach a point of demographic no-return here.
 “Demography refers not only births but also to those who remain here to live,” he explains. “At present, it is still possible to shift the country onto a sustainable track, but in another decade that will no longer be possible. Today, half the children in Israel receive a lower-level education than is the case in Third World countries, and that number is only increasing. That’s what the elections should be about.”

Does the brain drain exist in fields other than computing? According to a 2008 paper, written by Profs. Omer Moav and Eric Gould for the Jerusalem-based Shalem Center, the educated public – those holding a B.A. and above – are more inclined to emigrate than those with a high school education or lower. The authors note that more than 2.6 percent of educated, married Jews in the 25-40 age group were categorized by the Central Bureau of Statistics as emigrants in 2002, as compared with 1.1 percent among those with lower education.

Moav and Gould analyzed the data of the 1995 population census combined with an indication of the status of emigration in 2002. They add that the percentage of educated young people leaving the country is significantly higher than their share in the general population. On the basis of their study, they conclude that Israel and Italy are the only two developed countries in which the number of educated people emigrating from the country exceeds the number of educated immigrants entering the country. This is a migration pattern that is found in poor countries.

Another interesting finding by Moav and Gould concerns the occupations of those who choose to leave. In first place are senior university faculty, with a 6.5 percent emigration rate. They are followed by physicians, at 4.8 percent, and then engineers and scientists (not from universities), whose emigration rate is slightly above 3 percent. The study found a correlation between level of education and emigration, primarily among males; and that holders of an M.A. (or its equivalent in the sciences) are more likely to emigrate than holders of a B.A. Academics and physicians head the list.
In general, the data on emigration from Israel are extremely difficult to analyze. Passport control does not ask each person where he is going, so it is difficult to determine who has left and for how long. Researchers therefore qualify their findings, and this is why we can talk confidently about a trend of leaving but less so about a phenomenon.

Poor everywhere

Sagi Balasha is the CEO of the Israeli Leadership Council, whose mission, according to its website, is “to build an active and giving Israeli-American community in order to strengthen the State of Israel, our next generation, and to provide a bridge to the Jewish-American community.” He, for one, feels that fewer Israelis have been coming to the United States in the past few years, because of the economic situation there as contrasted to Israel.

In fact, he says, the desire to move to America is the product of mythmaking. “In Israel we grew up with the perception that America is the height of ambitions, the land of possibilities, in contrast to the self-laceration in Israel. A whole generation was raised in that light. Israel is characterized by frenetic activity and has become a start-up nation, and the feeling is that America is sleeping.”

Nevertheless, Balasha says, there are many who view the United States as the next step in their career. He says he recently met a young Israeli who chose to leave a comfortable, well-paid career with good social conditions and even tenure, for the United States. “It’s likely he will have to compromise, so I asked him why he did it. He said he also wanted to try America. That is an illusion, and if you probe it you find that with the exception of a few Israelis who really did make it, the majority live at a middling level and most of them did not triumph.”

Balasha’s organization is trying to create an Israeli community and Israeli culture for the Israelis in Los Angeles. One of its activities is to distribute food to poor families from Israel. “Every week we distribute dozens of crates to Israelis who don’t have food to eat. You have the whole gamut here, from the poor to the upper class. The living standard is also very similar to what you have in Israel.”
There are 250,000 Israelis in the United States, Balasha says. That’s more than the population of Netivot, Ofakim, Beit She’an and Nesher put together. The large number of people translates into large differences in terms of success. Even though the statistics say that one in every five emigrants return, in practice even longtime emigrants find it difficult to admit -- even to themselves -- that they are not likely to go back.

Israel is home

Roy Azoulay, 34, and his partner, Liat Reuveni, 38, have been living in Oxford, England, for the past four years. They made the move so he could obtain an MBA. Azoulay notes that even though the MBA studies take a year, their original plan was to stay for five years. “We were always curious about how it might be to live abroad, and we wanted to get a little experience of the outside world,” he says.

After obtaining his MBA, Azoulay started to work in a subsidiary of Oxford University, a kind of technological hothouse that supports about 15 companies. Reuveni, a dental technician by profession, does not work. She is raising their son, Yonatan, who is 18 months old and was born in England, and their Israeli-born daughter, Mika, age 5. “It’s common here for one of the spouses to take a break from the world of work and allow the family to subsist less materialistically, in order to give the children the optimal conditions until the start of school,” Azoulay says. “In Israel, that is not considered a legitimate choice.”

In addition to the legitimacy of being able to be with the children, Azoulay also notes the “sanity” of the English working day, adding, “Obviously, life here is more comfortable in many ways.” Nevertheless, he insists that from the family viewpoint, their home is Israel and they do not intend to stay in Oxford forever.

An impressive declaration, but a few weeks ago he received a job offer he will find hard to refuse, and if he accepts it, the family will remain abroad for two more years. “The decision is being made with mixed feelings, because we very much were waiting to return. We hesitated to leave, because we loved the life in Israel and enjoyed ourselves. But this offer is a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity,” Azoulay explains, in an apologetic tone.

All the emigrants we interviewed for this article come from the middle class -- the class which most economists maintain is the basis of a viable democracy with a healthy economy. The middle class bears the tax burden (its members don’t have the smart accountants that the upper decile can afford to hire) and also the burden of army reserve duty. When the Israeli middle class took to the streets in the social-protest movement of summer 2011, it discovered that the decision makers are indifferent to its problems.

Still, though no significant change has occurred, it can be argued that the protests brought about at least one change: the perception of an eroding middle class is now axiomatic. Middle-class salaries have dropped by 7.7 percent in the past decade. The possibility for further erosion among the middle class remains high: sometimes all that separates social well-being from dire poverty is a health or employment catastrophe.

“No fewer than 15.5 percent of those who sought help from aid agencies in Israel last year categorized themselves as former middle-class families,” attorney Eran Weintrob, executive director of Latet -- Israeli Humanitarian Aid, told TheMarker in September 2012. The economic ailments of Israeli society are not confined solely to the middle class. The past few years have seen a dramatic growth in inequality here, with large disparities forming. As a result of the concentration of wealth among a few families, even those who are by definition part of the upper decile don’t always feel they have anywhere to progress to economically. If we add the high cost of real estate, it’s not surprising that a generation has grown up here feeling economically stymied and believing that it can have a better life elsewhere. The fusion between economic insecurity and a sense of hopelessness explains the desire to leave.

If we don’t think our children’s lives will be better than ours, why stay?

Scratching an itch

Ruthie Meiri Newgrosh, 35, filmmaker, on why she swapped Israel for England.
I am writing this on my iPhone. At the moment it’s my connection to the outside world, because most of the time I am closely connected to a 5-week-old baby girl. I’ve been living in Manchester for the past two and a half years, happily married to Alex, an English Jew who was born here.

About three and a half years ago, I started to feel an itch in my stomach telling me I could no longer stay in Israel. That was before the missiles were aimed at Tel Aviv, before the social protest movement, before a lot of the wrong things that have subsequently occurred. Not that it was a new idea.

Ten years ago, I persuaded my grandfather to apply for the Slovakian passport to which he was entitled. Since then he has used it a few times to get a pensioner’s discount on European trains. My father obtained a passport a few years later, and I launched the process to get one around the time the itch started.

I received the coveted passport exactly a week before I moved to England. It saved us a lot of grief and a lot of money. A visa for a fiancee or married woman means plenty of British bureaucracy.
Before the itch began, and while it was still bugging me, I was your typical Tel Aviv type: flourishing career in television, dog, going out a lot, yoga, the beach. I loved every second of my life. But I was also a left-wing activist, highly motivated to bring about change and equality. I organized a group to learn Arabic, went to demonstrations, edited film clips for free. I worked on behalf of my art. Until I was worn down. Seriously worn down. The state won.

Then came the itch. The itch told me to start expending a little more energy on myself and my future, and a little less on an insensitive state that didn’t give two hoots for me.

I met Alex at the wedding of our best friends. The ultimate schmaltz. About a year after I embarked on the process of moving to England, the universe sent me the love of my life. An English love. After three days together, we both knew this was it.

It was obvious I would move to England rather than him moving to Israel. Not that it wasn’t hard to give up so much. Especially family and career.

I often have dreams about Israel and thoughts about what could have been if Alex had moved into my rented apartment in Tel Aviv. But then reality seeps into the fantasy and I know I would still be awash in debt, with no chance of us ever having a house or apartment of our own. I would have remained frustrated.

Not that everything here is perfect. Far from it. But in Manchester, too, as in London ‏(in the words of the Chava Alberstein song‏), the despair is a lot more comfortable.

Jewish migration from Israel to Europe on the rise 

Friday, 21 September 2012 09:00

Almost 1 million Israelis left the state to live in the US, Britain, Australia and Germany in 2011. The figure was revealed by researcher Michel Sharon, who added that they end up having a prosperous life in their new countries.

The details of Israel's migration statistics were given in a television programme on Israeli Channel 2. Migrants to Canada told the programme that life there is "more peaceful" than in Israel. Around 2,500 Israelis migrate to Canada every year; one of the reasons given is that there is no talk of death and destruction there. This is causing the Israeli government some concern.

According to Israeli newspaper Maariv, the state is losing out on the migration stakes. The Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics said that the number of migrants to Israel in 2010 was 18,129, the lowest since 1988.

Maariv also reported that 70 per cent of American Jews have not been to Israel and do not even intend to visit the country which is given vast amounts of tax dollars by the US government. More than 50 per cent of those Jews are married to non-Jews and 50 per cent do not care if Israel ceases to exist. For this reason, Israel's government is preparing an initiative which aims to reinforce the relationship of Jews around the world with Israel.

Of the 87 per cent of Jewish youth from the countries of the former Soviet Union who want to migrate, only 36 per cent would be willing to go to Israel, claimed Maariv. The newspaper said that Jews from Eastern Europe are no longer regarded as potential immigrants by the Israeli government "in reserve" to counter the demographic reality of a growing Palestinian population. US Jews are not expected to fill the migration gap.

Thousands of migrants from the former Soviet Union left Israel and returned to their countries of origin either because they are really Christians and went to Israel simply to benefit from government inducements, or because of the better economic situation at home. Jewish organisations in the former Soviet empire have been working hard to keep their fellow Jews in their countries, claimed Maariv, while the situation in Israel is still very unstable.

Commenting on this, Israeli geographer Arnon Sofer said, "The future of Jewish Galilee [sic] is uncertain as the number of Jews decreases, while the number of Arabs is increasing." The specialist in water issues and demography at the University of Haifa said that the number of Arabs in Galilee stands at 640,000 whereas there are only 570,000 Jews. He suggested the need for a government-funded Jewish migration project to change the demography of the region in favour of the Jews.

See also the Pew Research Centre’s February 9, 2015 The continuing decline of Europe’s Jewish population 

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