Officially of course there is no discrimination
between Arabs and Israeli Jews when it comes to planning laws. Except that in practice Jewish towns receive
planning permission when they need to expand and Arab towns don’t. In fact there has not been one example of a
new Arab town in Israel since its foundation in 1948. In that time the Israeli Palestinian population
has increased 10 fold to 1.5 million.
Two of the Arab bidders in Afula |
It is particularly important for Zionism and
the Judaification of Israel that Arabs are not allowed to move into Jewish towns,
hence the decision by an Israeli Jews to prevent Arabs building their own homes
in a ‘Jewish’ town. Yes most towns and
villages in Israel are segregated too.
In Israel half the Arab villages are ‘unrecognised’
which means they receive no normal facilities such as electricity, running
water, sewerage etc. and in addition are liable to instant demolition.
The following article is from the liberal
American Jewish publication Forward. A group of Arab bidders have been refused
permission to build homes by a Nazareth court on technical grounds. The fact that Israeli Jews attacked the
original decision of the Mayor to grant permission, saying he was a ‘terrorist’
and a ‘traitor’ gives you a flavour of the nature of the objections.
Israeli Judge Says No to Arabs Building in Jewish Town — Cites Bidding Woes
Naomi Zeveloff April 26, 2016Naomi Zeveloff
Dozens
of Arab families who were planning to build homes in the Jewish city of Afula
have lost their leases to the land after an Israeli judge said that they
illegally coordinated their bids.
Last
November, hundreds of Jewish residents of Afula protested the prospect of Arab neighbors after Arab families
won tenders to build 47 houses in the northern Israeli city. Demonstrators
demanded Afula mayor Yitzhak Meron revoke the tenders, calling him a “traitor” and a “terrorist.” Likewise the
comment of the Jewish bidders legal representative, Itai Cohen, who celebrated
the decision of the Nazareth Court by saying that ‘“This is a day of celebration for Afula, and particularly for those who
were concerned about the the fate of the city’s Jewish makeup.”
A
group of Jewish families who bid and lost tenders for the land first complained
to the Israel Land Authority, contending that the Arab bidders had been in coordination
with one another. The ILA rejected the complaint saying that it was natural for
bidders with personal connections to exchange information, said Haaretz.
The
Jewish families then took their petition to a Nazareth court.
On
Sunday April 24, a Nazareth judge ruled in favor of the Jewish families. He
said that the Arab families had organized their bids so they weren’t competing
against each other and coordinated prices in a manner that “upset the market’s natural balance,”
according to Israel’s Ma’ariv newspaper.
Their
coordination “seriously harmed the
principle of equality, a principle that is at the foundation of tender law,”
the judge said.
Itai
Cohen, a representative of the Jewish families told Maariv: “This is a day of celebration for Afula, and
particularly for those who were concerned about the the fate of the city’s
Jewish makeup.”
According
to Abdullah Zoabi, a lawyer representing four Arab families, the judge did not
rule that the Arab families were disqualified from trying to bid on the land
again. Abdullah said he was waiting to learn whether the state would intervene
and limit the bidding to Afula’s Jewish residents.
Arab
lawmakers are calling foul on the Nazareth court, saying the decision was
driven by racism. Knesset Member Basel Ghattas told Maariv that the court’s
decision reflected the “spirit of racism
that has been sweeping the country. These state institutions have always used
planning and construction laws to deprive Arabs of their lands and rights, and
the Nazareth District Court’s decision gave a seal of approval to a petition
that was lodged exclusively out of racist motives.”
The
Nazareth judge invalidated the entire group of tenders, saying that the entire
bidding process was “defective” and
there was no way to exempt those who did not coordinate. Zoabi’s four clients
were found not to have coordinated, but they lost their right to build anyway.
He said he that the four families will appeal the decision to the Israeli High
Court.
Iman
Sharary told the Forward she was extremely disappointed to learn that the
Nazareth judge disqualified her family building in Afula. She wanted to lease
the land in Afula for her sons and their families, since land is at a premium
in Yafia, the village where they grew up. She believes that the judge’s
decision was racially motivated.
“It’s so unjust,”
she said. “If this is not racism, so what
is?”
She
said that she and her husband, Riad Sharary, did not coordinate their bid and
that she had no idea who the other Arab bidders were. Now, she is looking for a
new place for her sons to settle down.
“I’ll find other places. It’s not Afula or nothing,” she said. “There
are other places that are much less aggressive and much less humiliating and
much less threatening.”
Naomi
Zeveloff is the Forward’s Middle East correspondent. Contact her at zeveloff@forward.com or on Twitter @NaomiZeveloff
Israel's Virulent Housing Bias Runs Deep — and It's Not Only Aimed at Arabs
Naomi Zeveloff December 29, 2015
AFULA, Isrsael - From her backyard deck in Yafia, an Arab village
west of Nazareth, Iman Sharary, 53, pointed to a plot of land in the distance
where her sons will build their homes.
She would have preferred her children stay in Yafia, but with land
at a premium in the village, she and her husband sought and won the tender to
build in a less expensive area. Afula Illit is a tree-lined suburb about 10
miles south of Yafia. It’s also predominantly Jewish.
Now, the Sharary family is at the center of a local controversy
with national proportions. One of dozens of Arab families from northern Israel
that won tenders to build 49 homes in Afula Illit, the Shararys and their fellow
Arab bidders face the fury of many of their potential Jewish neighbors.
Days after the tender process results were made public, a group of
about 200 Afula residents staged a protest, calling on Mayor Yitzhak Meron to
revoke the tenders. Demonstrators denounced him as a “traitor” and a
“terrorist,” according to press reports. “He wants to build a mosque,” one sign
at the protest read.
The Afula episode is only the latest real estate controversy with
a racial tinge in Israel. According to the Walla news site, Jewish residents of
Ofakim, a city west of Beersheba, won tenders to build in the city but canceled
the transaction once they learned that 14 Bedouin residents were planning on
settling in the same area.
Naomi Zeveloff: Not in My City: Adeil Eluz, a gas station manager in Afula, is protesting against the prospect of Arabs moving in nearby. |
And in November, the Bemuna construction
company posted a video advertisement of an Ashkenazi family whose Hanukkah
celebration was interrupted by Mizrahi neighbors — Jews of Arab origin —
depicted as raucously ignorant of their Ashkenazi holiday traditions. The
video, which the company later deleted, was an advertisement for a new housing
development in Kiryat Gat that presumably would be free of Mizrahim. “Do you
dream of owning your own home?” the voiceover said. “Want neighbors after your
own heart?”
Now, Israel’s attorney general has demanded the Israel Land
Authority to look into the charge of racial discrimination at Bemuna in the
sale of the apartments.
These incidents and others in recent years speak to the deep
segregation in Israel. With a few exceptions, like Haifa and Jaffa, Israel is a
country split along ethnic and religious lines, with different school systems
and population centers for each group. Officially speaking, “there is no legal
basis in creating the segregation” when it comes to housing inside the Green
Line, said Talya Steiner, a researcher at the Israel Democracy Institute. “It
just kind of evolved.”
But the High Court has sanctioned such segregation in recent years by allowing
Bemuna, the company with the anti-Mizrachi advertisement, to build housing
explicitly marketed to Orthodox, so-called “national religious” Jews, who are
predominantly Ashkenazi, in an Arab section of Jaffa.
There are other ways that the state maintains segregation and even
helps to deepen inequality between sectors. One has to do with the
ultra-Orthodox. Because Haredim, as they are known in Hebrew, have larger
families and educate their children in sex-segregated schools, the Housing
Ministry acknowledges and supports their need for separate neighborhoods to
maintain their lifestyle. Yet the Housing Ministry ran up against “not in my
backyard” attitudes from several municipalities when it tried to plan Haredi
neighborhoods in cities with secular and national religious majorities. Now
there is a major housing shortage for ultra-Orthodox Israelis.
Another form of state-sanctioned segregation is seen in small
communities in Israel, such as kibbutzim or moshavim. These communities may
screen new members based on standards such as “unsuitability to the community’s
social life” or its “social-cultural fabric,” or to “unique characteristics of
the community as defined in its bylaws,” according to a law upheld by the high court
in 2014. Critics say this is actually code language to weed out Arabs,
homosexuals or anyone outside the community norm.
Beyond the issue of segregation, Israel’s Arab villages and cities
suffer from a lack of planning, which exacerbates the housing shortage in these
areas. In 2000, after 13 Arab citizens were killed in demonstrations at the
start of the second intifada, a state commission found that inequality between
the Jewish and Arab sectors in the realms of planning and building was a
central cause of the unrest. The commission recommended new plans for Arab
localities. But according to a 2012 report by Bimkom, a planning rights
organization, planning in Arab cities still lags far behind that in Jewish
areas, leading to “housing crises and lack of public buildings for services.”
Poor city planning in Arab areas is at least part of the reason
that some Arabs are moving out of their home communities and into Jewish towns.
As Sharary said of her family’s purchase in Afula, “Arabs need it very much.”
“The story of Afula is a symptom of a much greater issue,” Steiner
said. “There is a socioeconomic development pushing young Arab couples to leave
Arab cities and find quality of life in adjacent neighborhoods.”
Many of the Arab buyers in Afula — such as the Shararys, who are a
family of accountants — come from sturdier economic backgrounds than the Jews
who are now protesting their presence in the city.
“There is a counterintuitive socioeconomic aspect here,” said
Rachelle Alterman, a planning expert at Israel’s Technion. “We are talking
about an upwardly mobile, upper-middle income, or certainly a higher-educated
Arab population in Afula, which is lower-middle income Jewish. There is this
reverse disparity.”
Afula’s Jewish protesters are expressing their opposition to these
new neighbors loud and clear. One anonymous activist posted a photo of Meron
wrapped in a keffiyeh, the Palestinian national scarf, on Facebook. Right-wing
activists mocked up similar images of Yitzhak Rabin before his murder, and
also, more recently, of President Reuven Rivlin for his outreach to Arab
citizens. According to a report on the Israeli website Mynet, the police are
investigating the picture’s provenance.
One of the protesters, David Suissa, is chief of staff to
Construction and Housing Minister Yoav Galant of the center-right Kulanu party.
Issawi Frej, an Israeli-Arab member of the Knesset, called for his firing.
“The Housing Ministry should campaign against racism in housing
and not promote it,” he said.
The mayor’s spokesman, Moty Priel, said that the municipality is
“unable to and should not intervene” in the tender process. Because the land in
question is state owned, any citizen — regardless of race, religion or gender —
may participate in the auction, which is held by the ILA.
An ILA spokesman told the Forward that the tender was conducted
“according to the rules.”
That hasn’t placated the protesters. Adeil Eluz, manager of a gas
station in Afula, said that the tender should have first been open to locals in
Afula and then to people who have served in the army — a move that would
exclude most Arab Israelis, who are not drafted into the army.
“It’s not against the Arab people,” he
said. “It’s against the priority of the
mayor and his councilors to give land to outside people instead of local
people.”
Ilan Vaknin, an attorney representing 10 Jewish families who lost
the auction, as well as other Afula residents, is less guarded in his
assessment.
“We want to keep the
Jewish character of the city,” he said. “And if we take in
50 [Arabs] in this little place, this will change the place from one side to
the other.” Afula’s total population is 41,000 residents.
Vaknin said he suspects that some of the Arab buyers coordinated
their bids, which would run afoul of the ILA process.
“Maybe an Islamist
organization brought money to buy the Jewish land,” he said. “We want the police to check it.” The
mayor’s office said it would look into the allegations.
Sharary believes that the protesters are driven by fear. The
uproar hasn’t prompted her family to reconsider their bid. “It’s a good opportunity to make Afula another mixed town,” she
said.
Contact Naomi Zeveloff at zeveloff@forward.com or on Twitter, @NaomiZeveloff
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