7 August 2015

Israeli Army Searches For Those Who Killed Ali Dawabsheh - By Raiding Palestinian Homes

You might remember Netanyahu visiting members of the Dawabshe family in hospital after the firebomb that killed their 18 month child, Ali.  What Netanyahu was really engaged in was a PR damage limitation exercise.  A condemnation of Jewish terrorism, the detention of the grandson of Rabbi Meir Kahane, the late leader of the Jewish Nazi party Kach to cover up the fact that despite 17 firebombings of mosques and churches in the past two years, Israel’s vaunted internal security police, Shin Bet, doesn’t have a clue as to who makes up the Jewish terror gangs.

And now?  The army betrays its real sympathies with repeated raids on the homes of the Dawabshe family in the village of Duma.  Perhaps it thinks that Ali Dawabshe killed himself?

Tony Greenstein

Following fatal settler attack, Israeli army raids Dawabshe family homes in the West Bank village of Duma


A Palestinian man inspects a house after it was torched, in Duma, near the West Bank city of Nablus, July 31, 2015. (Photo: AP)


While a man hunt is underway to apprehend the Israeli killers of 18-month old Ali Dawabshe, the Palestinian baby burned to death in a settler arson attack last Friday, for the past two nights more than one hundred Israeli soldiers and Shin Beit security officials have raided the homes of the Dawabshe family in the West Bank village of Duma near Nablus.
Speaking to Mondoweiss via telephone, Nasser Dawabshe, an uncle of the deceased, said that at 2:00 am Wednesday morning 30 Israeli army Jeeps with approximately 150 soldiers arrived in Duma. He said they woke sleeping members of the Dawabshe family, removed them from their houses, and searched the buildings until around 4:30 am.

“I was on my way home when I saw the Jeeps,” Nasser Dawabshe said, explaining that he attempted to hide, but Israeli border police noticed him and approached. “The actual soldiers, themselves, treated us like shit, but the commanders and the generals and the intelligence service were more respectful,” he said.
Nasser says the security forces asked him what he thought of Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails. Based on the line of questioning Nasser suspected the raid was to determine if any family members were considering retaliatory attacks against Israeli civilians. Earlier this week the Dawabshe family opened their homes to more than 100 Israelis from the group Tag Meir, an anti “price tag” group that protests attacks on Palestinians carried out by Israeli extremists. Nasser also spoke at a Israeli demonstration in Tel Aviv against the killing of his nephew, sharing the stage with Israeli opposition leader Issac Herzog and head of the leftist Israeli political party Meretz, Zahava Gal-On.

According to Nasser, the Israeli military returned to Duma Wednesday night. The military parked around 20 Jeeps at a nearby settlement and then walked through the steep West Bank hills to the Palestinian village. In this overnight incursion the soldiers closed off the charred home of Ali Dawabshe.

The Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) spokesperson office was reached for comment but a spokesperson said she was unable to give a statement on the raid while the investigation to apprehend those responsible for the killing is ongoing.

In the immediate hours after the attack in Duma, Israel announced it would treat the killing as “an act of terrorism.” Israel then upgraded its investigative efforts this week by employing “administrative detention,” a emergency powers order to jail suspects without arrests or trail.

The first arrest of known leaders of Jewish extremists groups was made Monday when Meir Ettinger, 24, the grandson of extremist rabbi Meir Kahane who advocated for the use of violence against Palestinians, was taken into custody. On Tuesday Israel approved the administrative detention of three additional extremists. 

6 August 2015

Tom Watson MP - Supporter of Israeli Apartheid

Tom Watson MP - Candidate for Deputy Leader of the Labour Party; Supporter of Israeli Apartheid

Tom Watson - right-wing candidate for Labour Deputy leader

Many people will heard of Tom Watson MP, one of the candidates for Deputy Leader of the Labour Party, from his work campaigning against child abuse, Murdoch etc.  However there is a darker side to Tom Watson.  Contrary to popular belief he is firmly on the far-right of the Labour Party.  He was Political Advisor to the last General Secretary of the Amalgamated Union of EngineeringWorkers, Sir Ken Jackson.  Those with long memories will remember that Sir Ken stood for General Secretary in 2002 and was defeated by a Broad Left candidate, Derek Simpson.  Jackson did everything he could to avoid accepting the verdict of the AUEW electorate for what was the first election for a new union, Amicus.  As his Wiki entry says:

David Ben-Gurion - Histadrut's First Secretary-General - As Israel's Prime Minister he was a devoted supporter of the Expulsion of the Arabs of Palestine
‘Throughout his career, Ken Jackson was on the far-right of the union movement. He was a vice-president of the Trade Union Committee for European and Transatlantic Understanding (TUCETU) - an organisation with close links to NATO and the CIA. He became a close associate of Tony Blair - in fact, he is often described as "Tony Blair's favourite trade unionist" - and received a knighthood in 1999, an unusual honour for a trade union leader…. He found himself at odds with his counterparts in the movement due to his support of issues such as private-public partnerships and US aggression.’  
Buy Local Goods - i.e.  Boycott Arab Goods (this was a time when Zionists were fully in support of Boycotts)
Watson could not have been his political advisor if they hadn’t shared the same politics and agenda.  He later became a supporter of Gordon Brown and he is thoroughly New Labour.  He is also Vice President of the Trade Union Friends of Israel.  In 2012 he wrote the article below in support of ‘the new Histadrut’.  The ‘new Histadrut’ is in fact very much like the old Histadrut except that it has been shorn of its vast conglomerate of industries and enterprises.  Yes that’s right, the old Histadrut was the second largest employer in Israel after the State itself and as such was no union.  It was a corporatist body.
Histadrut picture - In the style of Stalinist art
That is why its Secretary General, the former Defence Minister Pinhas Lavon could say of it in 1960 that Histadrut was 'a general organization to its core. It is not a trade union.' 
Histadrut poster in the 1930's - urging boycott of Arab melons
However in the late 1980’s its enterprises began to go bankrupt and in 1985 the Stabilisation Pact in Israel forced it to sell off its companies, relinquish its health care system (Kupat Holim) and basically confine itself to representing its members.
Even so Histadrut was a unique institution.  You join the federation first and then you are allocated to a department or union.  It’s like joining the TUC and then being placed in UNISON. 
TUFI - an Organisation of pro-imperialist trade unionists
But Histadrut was, from its very beginning in 1920, a racist body.  It campaigned for Jewish Labour (Avodat Ivrit) and Jewish produce (Totzeret Haaretz), i.e. a Boycott of Arab Labour and Produce.  It sought to divide Arab from Jewish workers and set up a tame Arab section, the Palestine Labour League.  David HaCohen, former managing director of Histadrut’s building company, Solel Boneh, described what this meant:
Histadrut logo - Zionist to the core
“I had to fight my friends on the issue of Jewish socialism to defend the fact that I would not accept Arabs in my trade union, the Histadrut; to defend preaching to housewives that they should not buy at Arab stores; to defend the fact that we stood guard at orchards to prevent Arab workers from getting jobs there … to pour kerosene on Arab tomatoes; to attack Jewish housewives in the markets and smash Arab eggs they had bought … to buy dozens of dunums [of land] from an Arab is permitted but to sell God forbid one Jewish dunum to an Arab is prohibited; to take Rothschild the incarnation of capitalism as a socialist and to name him the ‘benefactor’ — to do all that was not easy.”
The New Histadrut - much like the old one but a bit leaner
David Ben-Gurion, Israel’s first Prime Minister was also became the first Secretary General of Histadrut in 1921.  He followed a rigorous policy of Jewish labour mounting pickets of employers who continued to employ Arabs.  Arabs were being driven out of the labour market as a prelude to being drive out of their land.  As Ben-Gurion noted of employers who continued to employ Arabs:  it is for this petty profit, not a twentieth of net income, that he would foist on the colonies the evil of mixed labour, which can only provoke trouble on national and social fronts alike.' (my emphasis) [Rebirth & Destiny pp. 73-4]

The article below is a typical propaganda piece.  Histadrut has refused membership to Palestinian workers in the West Bank whilst taking, courtesy of the military occupation which has never opposed, 1% of their wages even though it offered nothing back in return.  After extreme pressure, what Watson calls ‘a groundbreaking agreement in 2008’ it returned a small fraction of what it had stolen.

Unsurprisingly the main concern of Watson’s ‘review’ of Alan Johnson’s propaganda  pamphlet was opposition to the Boycott of Israel.  Like propagandists for South African apartheid, Watson argues that it ‘set back the cause of peace’ whereas what has set back the cause of peace is the theft of Palestinian land, settlements, settler violence etc.

Tom Watson MP - candidate for Deputy Leader

The New Histadrut: Peace, Social Justice and the Israeli Trade Unions

At a time when those opposed to a two-state solution are calling to break the relationship between British and Israeli trade unions, BICOM Senior Research Fellow Professor Alan Johnson has written an important new pamphlet, published by the Trade Union Friends of Israel, which provides a unique insight into the history and activities of the Histadrut. The pamphlet details the Histadrut’s progressive aims and values and its cooperation with the Palestine General Federation of Trade Unions (PGFTU). Professor Johnson lays out the origins of the Jewish labour organisation, their role in the foundation of the State of Israel, the subsequent creation of an Arab workers section, and the groundbreaking agreement in 2008 between the Histadrut and the PGFTU. The pamphlet highlights the Histadrut’s inclusivity as a powerful champion of vulnerable workers, its positive working relationship with its Palestinian counterparts, and why this relationship should be strengthened, not undermined, by UK trade unions. The pamphlet also details why boycotts damage Palestinian workers, set back the cause of peace, and risk isolating British trade unions from the wider international trade union movement, which has chosen engagement, practical solidarity and critical dialogue.

As Vice President of TUFI I’m pleased to endorse the pamphlet, The New Histadrut: Peace, Social Justice and the Israeli Trade Unions. Its contents and recommendations are a powerful source of information for all those wanting to engage with the Israeli and Palestinian trade unions.  If we want peace in the region then surely we should be nurturing and supporting trade union dialogue. A pathway to the goal of two states needs the support of mainstream Israelis and Palestinians. Who better than trade unions to facilitate this to build confidence and understanding.”
Rt Hon.Tom Watson MP 20.6.12.

As someone who had not yet decided which candidate to back in the Deputy Leadership ballot, I was interested in whether or not it is true that you are a supporter and indeed Vice President of Trade Union Friends of Israel and therefore the Israeli union Histadrut?

If this is true then I am surprised because Histadrut is an Apartheid union which began life campaigning for Hebrew Labour (i.e. a boycott of Arab labour) and anyone acquainted with the subject will know that they effectively campaign for a colour bar in the civil service when Britain was the Mandatory power.  Something Ernest Bevin vehemently rejected incidentally.

Until 1959 Histadrut didn't accept Arab members and even then it separated them into a separate Arab section.  It has also never opposed building settlements in the West Bank, which is not surprising since the building firm they owned, Solel Boneh, built  most of them.

Tony Greenstein

To read more see Histadrut: Israel’s racist “trade union”, Tony Greenstein Electronic Intifada 3.3.09.

3 August 2015

Denying the History of Irish Racism in the US - Prof. Richard Jensen of Illinois University

Re-writing History from the Perspective of the Powerful - Junking a Junk Historian

Historians of the Right have an important role in seeking to justify oppression past whilst rehabilitating those who were in power.  This means doing their best to discredit, where possible, what they consider myths of oppression.


In this case Richard J. Jensen of Illinois University, posited as fact the idea that ‘no Irish need apply’ signs were merely a myth that the bog Irish used to guilt-trip other Americans.  Their victimisation and discrimination had been just a matter of self-indulgent fantasy and not based in fact.  It took a 14 year old girl to junk the junk historian.

His article "No Irish Need Apply":  A Myth of Victimization was printed in the Journal of Social History 36.2 (2002) 405-429 and he can be contacted at RJensen@uic.edu.

In fact through undertaking a little research myself it appears that other people did uncover evidence that Jensen's poorly researched article was just that.  For example 'No Irish Need Apply' by Jarlath MacNamara on May 27, 2013

Tony Greenstein 
New York Times 10.5.1859

The Teen Who Exposed a Professor's Myth

The Internet has been buzzing about how discrimination against the Irish was a myth. All it took was a high schooler to prove them wrong.

Rebecca Fried had no intention of preserving the record of a persecuted people whose strife was ready to be permanently written off in the eyes of history as exaggerated, imagined, or even invented.
That's because Rebecca was too busy trying to get through the 8th grade.
the ubiquitous signs that Jensen couldn't find
In 2002, University of Illinois-Chicago history professor Richard J. Jensen printed “No Irish Need Apply: A Myth of Victimization.” His abstract begins:

“Irish Catholics in America have a vibrant memory of humiliating job discrimination, which featured omnipresent signs proclaiming ‘Help Wanted—No Irish Need Apply!’ No one has ever seen one of these NINA signs because they were extremely rare or nonexistent.”
Ohio Democrat 10.5.1883
In short, those famous “No Irish Need Apply” signs—ones that proved Irish Americans faced explicit job discrimination in the 19th and 20th centuries? Professor Jensen came to the blockbuster conclusion that they never existed.
NYT 10.5.1859
The theory picked up traction over the last decade, but seemed to reach an unexpected fever pitch in the last few months. Explainer websites this year used it to highlight popular myths of persecution complexes that are, as Vox put it, “stand-ins for an entire narrative about how immigrants are treated in America.” That’s from the lede of an article printed in March called “‘No Irish Need Apply’: the fake sign at the heart of a real movement.”

Here, of course, is the problem: After only couple of hours Googling it, Rebecca, a 14-year-old, had found out these signs had, in fact, existed all along. Not only in newspaper listings—in which they appeared in droves—but, after further research, in shop windows, too.
New York Times
The Irish were persecuted in the American job market—and precisely in the overt, literally written-down way that was always believed.

All of this would have been written off as a myth if it weren’t for Rebecca Fried, a rising high school freshman—who one of the preeminent scholars on the Irish diaspora in the United States now calls a “hero” and “quite extraordinary”—and who simply couldn’t believe it, either.
Yorkville enquirer March 08, 1877
Rebecca never set out to prove the thesis wrong. She was just interested in an article her dad brought home from work one day.

“Now and then I bring home stuff for the kids to read if I think they will find it interesting or will convey some lesson,” says Michael Fried, Rebecca’s father. “Half the time they don’t read them at all. Sometimes they’ll read something if I suggest it. Nothing has ever come of any of these things other than this one.”

Rebecca wasn’t even trying to disprove her dad—let alone an academic at the University of Illiniois-Chicago. She just figured she’d Google the words and see what came up over 100 years ago.

"Just for the fun of it, I started to run a few quick searches on an online newspaper database that I found on Google,” she says. “I was really surprised when I started finding examples of NINA ads in old 19th-century newspapers pretty quickly.”

So she started collecting a handful of examples, then dozens, then more. She went to as many newspaper databases as she could. Then she thought, somebody had to have done this before, right?

“I didn’t see anything right away. This led me to wonder if it might be worth writing up in some form,” she says. “I showed my dad right away when I started finding these NINA ads. We just didn’t know whether this was already widely known and, if it wasn’t, whether it would be viewed as a topic worth considering for publication.”

Enter Kerby Miller, a newly retired history professor from the University of Missouri. He’s written everything from Guggenheim-funded books about the 18th-century Irish to the PBS documentary Out of Ireland with Paul Wagner. In 1986, he was nominated for a Pulitzer Prize for history.

“It was out of the blue on May 1st, May Day—which is sort of fortuitous, now that I think about it,” says Miller. May Day is International Workers' Day, which celebrates laborers and worldwide.
They wanted to know if they were missing something. They weren’t.

In fact, for years, Miller wanted to know why everyone else was missing the opposite.
“From the first, my responses to Jensen’s claims had been strongly negative, as were those of a few other scholars, but, for various reasons, most historians, social scientists, journalists, et cetera accepted or even embraced Jensen’s arguments,” says Miller.

Miller says it all makes sense when you consider the parallels between Jensen’s arguments and the tone of anti-Irish propaganda after the Irish Civil War.

“This was a period dominated in Irish writing by those who collectively came to be known as ‘revisionists.’ What they did was, in some cases, take every traditional Irish Catholic belief concerning British Colonialists—some of which were heroic, even—and turn them upside down,” says Miller. “The British and Britain’s supporters were not to be seen as oppressors. They were now to be considered those taking down Irish Catholic oppression.”

Miller says it applies to all of Irish history, but recent history as well—even events and acts of persecution that the Irish lived through themselves.

“A lot of people were getting sick of this, but were afraid to speak out. They wanted to say it’s bullshit, but you would be regarded as an uncouth barbarian or an IRA sympathizer,” says Miller.  “The narrative was that, ‘They should stop their whining! They weren’t victims! They weren’t oppressed!’”

He’d been trying to bat down the conclusions in Jensen’s paper for 13 years. Miller says he knew something was fishy from the outset. First of all, he’d seen the advertisements years ago—well before something like Google Scholar made them easy to search for—as a graduate student at UC Berkeley in the 1970s. But something else tipped him off.

“Even more suspicious is that it seemed to fit into a political or ideological framework, in addition to his own writing, which was obviously polemically bent,” he says.

This is, after all, how the abstract in Jensen’s paper ends:

“Some Americans feared the Irish because of their religion, their use of violence, and their threat to democratic elections. By the Civil War these fears had subsided and there were no efforts to exclude Irish immigrants. The Irish worked in gangs in job sites they could control by force. The NINA slogan told them they had to stick together against the Protestant Enemy, in terms of jobs and politics. The NINA myth justified physical assaults, and persisted because it aided ethnic solidarity. After 1940 the solidarity faded away, yet NINA remained as a powerful memory.”

Miller says he wrote to Jensen at one point to contest it.

“Jensen’s email response to my criticisms was that they were to be expected because I was an Irish-American and a Catholic,” says Miller.

“In fact, as I responded to him, I am neither.”

Miller says he realized this might be an unwinnable fight when he went to New Zealand to present some work and he was bombarded with questions on why he didn’t believe Jensen. One man asked who in his family was Irish Catholic. Miller kindly reminded the questioner that the answer is no one—until he remembered his wife is.

“They said, ‘That’s gotta be it!’ That’s why I’m sympathetic to these Irish rebel terrorist scum!” he says, laughing.

“I hadn’t realized how extraordinarily dominant Jensen’s argument had become. I don’t know if that says something about the hierarchy of power in academia, or the others who accepted it because they bought into this revisionist interpretation.”

He wasn’t alone. Miller could name other scholars who questioned Jensen’s motives. He even tried to talk some of them into writing about it.

“They knew from their own research—or strongly suspected—that Jensen’s arguments were wrong or fallacious,” he says. “They were just too busy [to refute it], or preferred not to.”

Then May Day came.

“We didn’t know who to contact, but we saw that Professor Jensen’s article cited Professor Miller as someone who had erroneously believed in NINA, so we thought he might be a good person to try,” says Rebecca. “And he was obviously an expert in this area.”

Miller opened up Rebecca’s thesis. He quickly realized all of the academics too busy to take on Jensen couldn’t have done it better than a 14-year-old.

“She didn’t need any help from me on what she did,” he says. “I’d be surprised if she changed a single word.”

Rebecca says Miller then helped her and her father walk through what a scholarly article should look like. After all, no one in Rebecca’s family is an academic. Her parents are lawyers, and a scholarly article is not a requirement to get out of the 8th grade.

“I don’t want people to think she did this because she got expert advice,” he says. “[Rebecca and Michael] truly deserve all of the credit.”

Then, on Independence Day—fortuitous again—it became official: Rebecca printed “No Irish Need Deny: Evidence for the Historicity of NINA Restrictions in Advertisements and Signs” in the Oxford Journal of Social History.

“The article concludes that Jensen’s thesis about the highly limited extent of NINA postings requires revision, and that the earlier view of historians generally accepting the widespread reality of the NINA phenomenon is better supported by the currently available evidence,” Rebecca writes in her abstract.

When a story was written about the findings on the Irish website IrishCentral.com, Jensen congratulated Rebecca for her scholarship in the comments section, but took issue with her conclusion.

“I’m the PhD who wrote the original article. I’m delighted a high school student worked so hard and wrote so well,” he writes. “No, she did not claim to find a single window sign anywhere in the USA.”
But Rebecca’s article does include that information. She made it clear in a reply.

“I do have to say that the article does in fact list a number of posted physical NINA signs, not just newspaper ads. Pages 6-7 catalogue a number of the signs,” she wrote.

Jensen retorted with a numerical list of all of the “No Irish Need Apply” signs he encountered in her essay—ending with, “That’s very rare. In Chicago, only 3 ads in over 50 years. How rare can you get?”

Then, ever politely, Fried dropped the hammer.

“Thanks again for the response. This discussion is really fun for me, and I appreciate the opportunity to have it,” she wrote. “Let me make one last point and then I promise I will shut up and give you the last word if you want it. You began this conversation by stating that the article ‘did not claim to find a single window sign anywhere in the USA.’ I think we now agree at least that this is not correct.”

She then makes a salient point: Even if it were 15 recorded instances per year or 1,500—the signs existed, the persecution was real, and discrimination of the Irish was not an imagined feeling, but a reality difficult to both express and quantify.

“NINA sign would be just as offensive and memorable to Irish-American and other viewers whether it was for a job, an apartment, a social club, a ‘freedom pole,’ or anything else,” she wrote.
Of course, then she ended with this:

“I’ll conclude by sincerely thanking you again for interacting with me on this. It is a real honor and I appreciate it.”

Later, Rebecca says she regretted how her comments came out, saying she "may have come off as insufficiently respectful."

“He has been doing scholarly work for decades before I was born, and the last thing I want to do was show disrespect for him and his work,” she says.

But Professor Miller says he could not possibly be more impressed.

“I have the utmost admiration and respect for her. I really just want to be in the background of this,” he says.

“Rebecca is the hero.”

Now, Rebecca says she might continue along this same path, “exploring other areas where digitized newspaper evidence might supply new historical insights.” She thinks there “might still be some low-hanging fruit for researchers.”

But maybe not. Maybe she’ll be something completely different. She’s 14 years old. She has to start high school in a month.

“For the longer term, it’s too early to tell,” she says. “But I’ve become really interested in history through this process, and I think that would be an incredibly fascinating career path.”

If she does want to be an historian, when she goes to college about a half-decade from now, it’ll be time for her to tell a story no one will believe, once again.

And, for a second time, Professor Miller will be happy to help her prove it.

“It is, indeed,” he says, “quite extraordinary.”

1 August 2015

Why All the Fuss – We Kill Children All the Time


A Response to ‘Israeli condemnation ‘not enough,’ say US Jewish groups, after baby killed’ 

Fatal firebombing of Palestinian family by alleged Jewish terrorists prompts unusually harsh criticism by mainstream US Jews

Below is my response to an article in The Times of Israel on the murder of a Palestinian baby:

The whole concept of terrorism is a useless one in trying to understand the barbaric murder of a Palestinian infant. It is not simply the action of the 2 crazed settlers.
 It was Rabbis Shapira and Elitzur who wrote Torat HaMelech (the King's Torah) which justified the killing of even Palestinian infants, because they may grow up to hate 'us', who are equally responsible. The same goes for all the rabbis who forbade the renting of apartments to Arabs starting with Safed's Shmuel Eliyahu.
 But the cancer of racism permeates the whole of the Zionist body politic. How can Netanyahus' fake condemnation be taken seriously when his own deputy Defence Minister Eli Dahan describes Palestinians as beasts and animals whilst proclaiming the superiority of the Jewish soul, yea even those of Jewish homosexuals.
Racist graffiti
 Or a 'Justice' Minister who posts a screed on her facebook page calling for the wiping out of the whole Palestinian people and its mothers in particular, so they don't give birth to 'little Palestinian snakes'. Or Naftali Bennett who is proud of having killed so many Arabs. Or Miri Regev who compares African asylum seekers to 'cancer' and then apologises to cancer sufferers for the analogy.
 Yet who was suspended for 6 months from the Knesset? A secular Arab woman MK Haneen Zoabi, not the Jewish racists, because Jewish racism is always exempt. That is what a Jewish state means.
 And why all the fuss over a couple of molotov cocktails that burnt alive a child and his family? Isn't that what Israeli pilots did over Gaza last summer? Perhaps next time a group intends to perpetrate a 'price tag' attack, someone can whisper in their ear that they should join the Israeli airforce instead. That way they can become heroes when kill Palestinian babies and people will watch them from armchairs on a hill overlooking Gaza whilst they drink coffee.


Tony Greenstein 

Debbie Fay - Idiot of the Year

The Excuses Racists Will Come Out With

I went onto the Facebook page of leading Israeli racist and Israel's Education Minister, Naftali Bennett, who is leader of Habayit HaYehudi (Jewish Home) party.  As often happens my eye was caught by a particular inane post, even by the standards of the Israeli Right.

Fay was complaining that Israeli President Reuben Rivlin had assumed that the arsonists who burnt alive the Palestinian baby Ali Saad Dawabshe were Jewish.  They were probably dastardly Arabs seeking to blame the poor Israelis for his death.  Typical anti-Semites!  As the picture shows I exchanged a few words with this idiot before she prevented me responding any further.

I wouldn't pretend she is a typical racist idiot but according to her, we don't even know how the baby died.  She didn't seem struck with the idea that it might be a case of spontaneous combustion.  Can't imagine why unless the cameras were laying it must have been something flammable.  Not being able to withstand  the criticism she soon blocked me.  Oh well, it takes all sorts...