Showing posts with label Mehdi Hassan. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Mehdi Hassan. Show all posts

14 February 2019

The Political Lynching of Ilhan Omar – Telling the Truth About Zionism and its Lobbies is NEVER anti-Semitic

Ilhan Omar had nothing to apologise for and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez should have supported her not applauded her forced apology




The past few days have seen the equivalent of what socialists in the Labour Party have experienced but it has taken place in the United States. Like Jackie Walker, Marc Wadsworth, Ken Livingstone and myself, Ilhan Omar has experienced hypocrisy, double-speak and pure unadulterated racism from America’s Zionist lobby. All in the name of fighting ‘anti-Semitism’ of course! All too many people have fallen for this 3 card political card trick.
Why even that well known anti-racist Donald Trump has joined in!  Did you remember in Trump’s abysmal State of the Union address recently, whilst spending 17 minutes attacking refugees at the border and accusing them of all being criminals, he had time to condemn ‘anti-Semitism’.
Ilham Omar
What is amazing is that there are still those who don’t understand that when creatures like Margaret Hodge or Luciana Berger talk about ‘anti-Semitism’ they don’t mean hatred of Jews but hatred of Zionism and the Israeli state.
It's about the Benjamins i.e. money - in the final analysis that is exactly what it's about

Batya Ungar-Sargon playing stupid - AIPAC exists for no other reason than to pay off politicians and bribe its way across the political circuit

The attack on Ilan Omar began with a race baiting article by the Opinion Editor of The Forward Batya Ungar-Sargon. On Sunday Ilhan responded to a tweet by The Intercept’s Glenn Greenwald, who remarked on how Kevin McCarthy, the  Republican leader in Congress, was threatening Ilhan Omar and Rashida Tlaib with punishment for criticising Israel.  Greenwald observed that it was ‘stunning how much time some US political leaders spend defending a foreign nation’ even if it is at the expense of free speech for Americans.
Obama's Ambassador to Israel, Dan Shapiro clearly has forgotten the time when he was called a Jew-boy by Aviv Bushinsky, Netanyahu's former spokesman for mildly criticising his ex-boss. Note how 'this tired antisemitic trope about Jews and money' has become the accepted wisdom despite the subject never having been mentioned!
Of course it’s not really remarkable because Israel is the United States’ closes ally, it forward base in the Middle East. In response Ilhan posted a reply ‘It’s all about the Benjamin’s baby’ (a reference to Benjamin Franklin’s picture on US $100 bills).
Immediately Batyar couldn’t resist the temptation to attack one of Congress’s only two Muslim women, asking ‘Would love to know who @ilhanomar thinks is paying American politicians to be pro-Israel.’ when the answer was obvious. Ilhan came back with a one word reply – AIPAC. This is 100% correct. What would be wrong or misguided would to be suggest that US Foreign Policy is a consequence of AIPAC’s bribes to politicians. AIPAC’s bribes are part of a seamless web of political corruption. AIPAC stands for American Israel Public Affairs Committee. 
To which Batty responded that ‘freshman Congresswoman Ilhan Omar tweeted something anti-Semitic.’ For Zionists, even the truth can be anti-Semitic. It is an incontrovertible fact that AIPAC sponors and bribes US politicians.  Batty claimed that ‘AIPAC does not endorse candidates, nor does it make campaign contributions, though its members and employees do.’
 This is a straightforward lie. AIPAC does little else. It runs hostile campaigns against those it doesn’t like.  It takes all elected Congressmen on a free trip to Israel after they have been elected.  It speaks volumers that The Forward’s Opinion Editor feels the need to lie so blatantly in order to sustain her allegations of ‘anti-Semitism’.  Like Margaret Hodge, Luciana Berger and others of her ilk in Britain, lying is second nature to the apologists for Zionism.

Anyone who doubts this should read the painfully honest article by Ady BarkanWhat Ilhan Omar Said About AIPAC Was Right - I’m ashamed to admit that endorsing AIPAC positions was all about the Benjamins for me and my candidate.’

Ady is a former Israeli lobbyist who in his dying days has become repulsed at what he was doing. Ady described how fresh out of college in 2006 he was working with the Democratic congressional candidate in ‘deepest red Ohio’ when an AIPAC staffer offered $5,000 if the candidate, Victoria Wulsin, would support AIPAC’s position on Iran and another issue.  Despite being pro-peace they agreed to do Aipac’s bidding for the money. Ady wrote that ‘It was, I am ashamed to say, definitely about the Benjamins.’
The article is particularly sad because Ady is only 35 and is dying from a ‘poorly understood neurological disease with no treatment’ which has paralysed him. He can only write thanks to modern technology that tracks the location of his eyes.
'Antisemitism has no place in the US Congress' except when it comes from me, Trump and the Christian Right!
The Jewish Forward has played a major part in this story but most of their writers haven’t taken the nakedly Jewish supremacist and racist approach of Batya Ungar-Sargon.  One such is Joshua Leifer’s Ilhan Omar Writes Bad Tweets. But The Right Has Jewish Blood On Its Hands, which .  Unlike Batty Joshua doesn’t try to defend AIPAC which he describes as exterting a ‘massive sway over American politics and works to prop up a brutal, unjust status quo of perpetual occupation in Israel-Palestine, but there are ways to critique this responsibly, without resorting to words and phrases that evoke unsavory tropes.’ Contrast this with Batya’s apologetics for an organisation whose sole purpose is to support the Israeli far-Right and its Occupation.
My own view is that Ilhan’s suggestion that it was all abut the ‘Benjamin’s’ was a mistake, not least because the supply of corrupt money does not account for Aipac’s influence. Its political influence stems from being aligned with powerful imperialist and corporate political forces in the United States.  However what is equally clear is that nothing Ilhan said was in the least anti-Semitic.
What is a story about Jewish donors if not about Jewish money?
I am reminded over a similar furore in Britain in the Autumn of 2015 when the late Gerald Kaufman MP attributed the pro-Zionist stance of the Tories to ‘Jewish money’ from Conservative Friends of Israel. It was an unfortunate phrase but it was also not anti-Semitic.  Or if it was then the Jewish Chronicle which has repeatedly carried the same phrase is one of Britain’s most anti-Semitic publications! Jewish money is a theme of much of the British press, for example stories about how Jewish donors are no longer supporting the Labour Party for example Labour funding crisis: Jewish donors drop 'toxic' Ed Miliband. This however gave the CAA the excuse to launch an attack on Kaufman, a Jewish MP, who had been a stalwart supporter of the Palestinians.

One of Omar's biggest critics was Republican House leader, Kevin McCarthy who unlike Ilan has peddled genuinely anti-semitic nonsense
Leifer pointed out that Kevin McCarthy was the same person who accused George Soros and two other Jews of trying to buy the election.  His tweet included a scowling picture of Soros and the inevitable #MAGA (make America great) which is the accompaniment of Trump’s America First slogan.
Leifer pointed the finger at those ‘American Jewish establishment organizations — like AIPAC, the ADL, and the AJC’ who ‘have found common cause with the right around support for the Israeli government and anti-BDS laws.’
However the most articulate article in The Forward is that of Peter Beinart, a liberal Zionist, a senior columnist as well as being a professor of journalism.
In The Sick Double Standard In The Ilhan Omar Controversy Ilhan Omar ‘was wrong to tweet that the American government’s support of Israel is “all about the Benjamins.” This is undoubtedly right. It is too crude and simplistic to reduce the support of American imperialism for Israel to the ability of the Zionist/Israel lobby to bribe politicians although a tweet is hardly the place for a sophisticated analysis.
If that was all that was needed to remove the Zionist entity then the Arab governments could have done it years ago. Beinart also acknowledged that ‘AIPAC’s influence rests partly on the money its members donate to politicians. But it also rests on a deep cultural and religious affinity for Israel among conservative white Christians, who see the Jewish state as an outpost of pro-American, “Judeo-Christian” values in a region they consider hostile to their country and faith.’
Where I disagree with Beinart is with his suggestion that Omar’s tweet was ‘irresponsible.’ In what was a tortured explanation, he argued that ‘Accusing a largely (though not officially) Jewish organization like AIPAC of buying politicians is different than accusing the NRA or the drug industry of buying politicians because modern history is not replete with murderous conspiracy theories about how gun owners and pharmaceutical executives secretly use their money to control governments.’ AIPAC is not a Jewish group, it is a Zionist political group and as such should not be immune from criticism lest it offend Jewish sensibilities. In any case there are many people who allege that the gun lobby and big pharma use their money to control or influence government policy.
Those who accuse Omar of ‘anti-Semitism’ are saying that to be a pro-Israel group is to be Jewish.  Factually this is nonsense. Beinart also says that Omar ‘was right to apologize last month for a 2012 tweet in which she also evoked anti-Semitic stereotypes by accusing Israel of having “hypnotized the world” about its behavior in the Gaza Strip.’
Again I disagree. The fact is that the world has stood by whilst Israel has, in the words of former Chief of Staff Benny Gantz, sent parts of Gaza back into the stone age. Accusing Zionists of hypnotizing the world (or its leaders) is only anti-Semitic if you equate Zionists with Jews, in which case it is you who is anti-Semitic! However Beinart puts the attacks on Ilan into perspective:
Guaranteeing Jews in the West Bank citizenship, due process, free movement and the right to vote for the government that controls their lives while denying those rights to their Palestinian neighbors is bigotry. It’s a far more tangible form of bigotry than Omar’s flirtation with anti-Semitic tropes. And it has lasted for more than a half-century.
Beinart points out that Republican Congressman Lee Zeldin, ‘who has called for stripping Omar of her committee assignments, spoke at a fundraiser for Beit El, a West Bank settlement from which Palestinians are barred from living even though it was built—according to the Israeli supreme court—on land confiscated from its Palestinian owners. It is these double standards by Israel’s supporters which should have been condemned yet instead she was ‘publicly rebuked’ by the entire Democrat’s House leadership. For his enthusiastic endorsement of land theft and state-sponsored bigotry in the West Bank, Zeldin has received no congressional criticism at all. To the contrary, he’s a Republican rising star.’
As Beinart points out that if the Republicans denouncing Omar were sincerely opposed to anti-Semitism, they would not support Trump. He lists just some of his anti-Semitic remarks.
·       In 2013 he tweeted that “I’m much smarter than Jonathan Leibowitz—I mean Jon Stewart.”
·       He ran for president on a slogan laden with anti-Semitic associations from the 1930s: “America First.”
·       In 2015 he told a Jewish audience that “You’re not gonna support me because I don’t want your money… you don’t want to give me money, but that’s ok, you want to control your own politicians that’s fine.”
·       In 2016 he retweeted an image of Hillary Clinton surrounded by money and a Jewish star.
·       He closed his presidential campaign with an ad that showed three Jews—Janet Yellen, Lloyd Blankfein and George Soros—alongside language about “global special interests” that “control the levers of power in Washington.”
·       In 2017, he said there were “very fine people” among the neo-Nazis who marched in Charlottesville and
·       in 2018, his racist fear mongering about a caravan of Central American migrants provoked a Pittsburgh man to commit the worst anti-Semitic atrocity in American history. Unlike Omar, he has not apologized for any of this.
Beinart concludes that ‘if you denounce Ilhan Omar but support Donald Trump, you don’t really oppose bigotry. You don’t even really oppose anti-Semitism. What you oppose is criticism of Israel.’ Republicans ‘are not trying to police bigotry or even anti-Semitism. They’re using anti-Semitism to police the American debate about Israel.’
Another excellent article, from Mehdi Hassan (below) points out the hypocrisy of those who pretend that AIPAC is just a harmless and anodyne debating society.  He quotes the late Uri Avnery as saying that if AIPAC proposed a resolution calling for the abolition of the 10 commandments then 80 senators and 300 Congressmen would sign it.
What this affair tells us is that AIPAC and the Zionist lobby is becoming more twitchy and nervous.  Never before has the Zionist lobby been discussed in America. Millions of people will see through the self-serving apologetics for this Israeli PR group. Although she does not realize it, Ilhan Omar has broken a taboo.  What is disappointing is that other radicals who were elected last November have kept quiet with Alexandria Ocadio-Cortez tweeting that Ilhan was right to apologise when what she should have been doing was calling out her detractors.
What is gratifying is that groups like Jewish Voice for Peace have come out unequivocally in support of Ilhan. Jewish progressives realize that the attack on Ilhan is motivated more by white racism than any concern for Jews.
Tony Greenstein

There Is a Taboo Against Criticizing AIPAC — and Ilhan Omar Just Destroyed It

February 12 2019, 1:00 p.m.
Rep. Ilhan Omar speaks to members of the media after a news conference on Capitol Hill on Jan. 24, 2019. Photo: Alex Wong/Getty Images
In 2005, Steven Rosen, then a senior official with the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, or AIPAC, sat down for dinner with journalist Jeffrey Goldberg, then of the New Yorker. “You see this napkin?” Rosen asked Goldberg. “In twenty-four hours, [AIPAC] could have the signatures of seventy senators on this napkin.”
I couldn’t help but be reminded of this anecdote after Rep. Ilhan Omar, of Minnesota’s 5th Congressional District, was slammed by Democrats and Republicans alike over her suggestion, in a pair of tweets, that U.S. politicians back the state of Israel because of financial pressure from AIPAC (“It’s all about the Benjamins baby,” she declaimed). Was the flippant way in which she phrased her tweets a problem? Did it offend a significant chunk of liberal U.S. Jewish opinion? Did it perhaps unwittingly play into anti-Semitic tropes about rich Jews controlling the world? Yes, yes, and yes — as she herself has since admitted and “unequivocally” apologized for. But was she wrong to note the power of the pro-Israel lobby, to point a finger at AIPAC, to highlight — in her apology — “the problematic role of lobbyists in our politics, whether it be AIPAC, the NRA or the fossil fuel industry”?
No, no, and no.
Rosen, after all, wasn’t the first AIPAC official to boast about the the raw power that “America’s bipartisan pro-Israel lobby exercises in Washington, D.C. Go back earlier, to 1992, when then-AIPAC President David Steiner was caught on tape bragging that he had “cut a deal” with the George H.W. Bush White House to provide $3 billion in U.S. aid to Israel. Steiner also claimed to be “negotiating” with the incoming Clinton administration over the appointment of pro-Israel cabinet members. AIPAC, he said, has “a dozen people in [the Clinton] campaign, in the headquarters … and they’re all going to get big jobs.”
Go back further, to 1984, when Sen. Charles Percy, a moderate Republican from Illinois, was defeated in his re-election campaign after he “incurred AIPAC’s wrath” by declining to sign onto an AIPAC-sponsored letter and daring to refer to Palestine Liberation Organization leader Yasser Arafat as more “moderate” than other Palestinian resistance figures. AIPAC contributors raised more than a million dollars to help defeat Percy. As Tom Dine, then-executive director of AIPAC, gloated in a speech shortly after the GOP senator’s defeat, “all the Jews, from coast to coast, gathered to oust Percy. And the American politicians —  those who hold public positions now, and those who aspire — got the message.”
Nearly four decades later, as members of the U.S. political and media classes pile onto Omar, are the rest of us supposed to pretend that AIPAC officials never said or did any of this? And are we also expected to forget that the New York Times’s Tom Friedman, a long-standing advocate for Israel in the American media, once described the standing ovations received by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, from members of Congress, as having been “bought and paid for by the Israel lobby”? Or that Goldberg, now editor-in-chief of The Atlantic and dubbedthe most influential journalist/blogger on matters related to Israel,” called AIPAC a “leviathan among lobbies, as influential in its sphere as the National Rifle Association and the American Association of Retired Persons are in theirs”? Or that J.J. Goldberg, former editor of the Jewish weekly newspaper The Forward, said in 2002, in reference to AIPAC, “There is this image in Congress that you don’t cross these people or they take you down”?
Are we supposed to dismiss Uri Avnery, the late Israeli peace activist and one-time member of the Zionist paramilitary, the Irgun, who once remarked that if AIPAC “were to table a resolution abolishing the Ten Commandments, 80 senators and 300 congressmen would sign it at once,” as a Jew-hater? Or label Jan Harman, a former member of Congress and devoted defender of Israel, an anti-Semite for telling CNN in 2013 that her former colleagues on Capitol Hill had struggled to back Barack Obama’s Iran nuclear diplomacy to due “big parts of the pro-Israel lobby in the United States being against it, the country of Israel being against it”?
To be clear: AIPAC is not a political action committee and does not provide donations directly to candidates. However, it does act as a “force multiplier,” to quote the Jewish Telegraph Agency’s Andrew Silow-Carroll, and “its rhetorical support for a candidate is a signal to Jewish PACs and individual donors across the country to back his or her campaign.” As Friedman explained to me in an interview in 2013: “Mehdi, if you and I were running from the same district, and I have AIPAC’s stamp of approval and you don’t, I will maybe have to make three phone calls. … I’m exaggerating, but I don’t have to make many phone calls to get all the money I need to run against you. You will have to make 50,000 phone calls.” (Is Friedman an anti-Semite too? Asking for a friend.)
What makes this whole row over Omar’s remarks so utterly bizarre is that so many leading Democrats, loudly and rightly, decry the pernicious and undeniable impact of special interests, lobbyists, and donations on a whole host of issues — from the role of Big Pharma and Big Finance; to influence-peddling by Saudi Arabia; to the “grip” that the NRA has on the debate over gun control, to quote Democratic senator Richard Blumenthal. But any mention of AIPAC and lobbying in favor of Israel? “Anti-Semitism!
It's 'offensive and wrong' to suggest members of Congress are 'bought off' to support Israel but not wrong to suggest this takes place over gun control
Do they have no shame? Take Donna Shalala, a new member of Congress from Florida’s 27th District (and a former cabinet member under Clinton).
Yet here is the same Shalala boasting last month that she didn’t allow the NRA to “buy me during the campaign.”
Got that? It’s “offensive and wrong” to suggest the pro-Israel lobby tries to buy off politicians. But it’s totally fine to suggest the pro-gun lobby does. (The irony is that AIPAC’s leading lights haven’t been shy about making their own analogy with the NRA. “I’m sure there are people out there who are for gun control, but because of the NRA don’t say anything,” Morris Amitay, former AIPAC executive director, once admitted. “If you’re a weak candidate to begin with,” he continued, and your record is “anti-Israel and you have a credible opponent, your opponent will be helped.”)
Today, the Palestinians continue to be bombed, besieged, and dispossessed by their Israeli occupiers — with the full military and financial support of the United States government. There are a variety of credible explanations for this support: Israel’s role as a strategic asset” and “mighty aircraft carrier“; U.S. Christian evangelicals’ obsession with Israel and the end-times prophecy; the impact of arms sales and the U.S. military-industrial complex; not to mention the long-standing cultural and social ties between American Jews and Israeli Jews. But to pretend money doesn’t play a role — or that AIPAC doesn’t have a big impact on members of Congress and their staffers — is deeply disingenuous.
And so we should thank Omar, the freshman lawmaker, for having the guts to raise this contentious issue and break a long-standing taboo in the process — even if she maybe did so in a clumsy and problematic fashion.
But you don’t have to take her word for it. “When people ask me how they can help Israel,” former Israeli prime minister and uber-hawk Ariel Sharon once told an audience in the United States, “I tell them: Help AIPAC.”
See

Ilhan Omar should be more radical about Israel, not less, Barnaby Raine, Guardian 12.2.19.  

Ilhan Omar under attack for telling truth about Israel lobby, Ali Abunimah, Electronic Intifada, 11.2.19.

House Majority Leader posted anti-Semitic tweet after bomb sent to George Soros' house, Salon, 28.10.18., Matthew Rozsa


2 December 2018

George H.W. Bush - The Death of a War Criminal

How the Mainstream Media Turn Villains into Saints



It is sickening the way the press eulogise dead war criminals and US Presidents in particular.  I can remember the BBC gushing over Ronald Reagan when he died and making a tribute programme to the man who unleashed the Contras in Nicaragua and supported the death squads in El Salvador. Ronald Reagan was seen as a beacon of hope for democracy even whilst he did his best to impoverish the poorest Americans.  But this is how our opinion makers work.
George Bush was the man who headed the CIA, a criminal organisation which subverted democratically elected governments in Latin America and brought the regimes of Pinochet and Videla to power in Chile, replete with their torture chambers and mass disappearances.  Bush represented all that was most vile in American politics and the fact that the Clintons are gushing all over his memory should teach us that when it comes to US politics there is no essential difference between Republicans and Democrats.

George Bush was the son of Senator Prescott Bush, a businessman and banker who made much of his fortune trading with Nazi Germany even after war was declared.  But as one of America's leading families, almost akin to  royalty, he escaped prosecution for aiding the enemy at a time of war despite financing Fritz Thyssen one of the largest steel and coal barons who organised finance for Hitler.
People won't remember the shooting down of an Iranian civil airliner Flight 655 by the USS Vincennes of the US Navy. 290 people, including 66 children, were murdered. George H W Bush was not the kind quirky, friendly soul that is made out today.  George H.W. Bush in 1988 responded to the mass murder by saying: "I will never apologize for the United States of America. I don't care what the facts are." was his Trumpian response. 
The USS Vincennes
Below is an article by Mehdi Hassan on Bush’s legacy.

Tony Greenstein

December 1 2018, 4:38 p.m.

President George H.W. Bush addresses the nation from the Oval Office on Jan. 16, 1991, after U.S. forces began military action against Iraq, code-named Operation Desert Storm. Photo: Charles Tasnadi/AP
The tributes to former President George H.W. Bush, who died on Friday aged 94, have been pouring in from all sides of the political spectrum. He was a man “of the highest character,” said his eldest son and fellow former president, George W. Bush. “He loved America and served with character, class, and integrity,” tweeted former U.S. Attorney and #Resistance icon Preet Bharara. According to another former president, Barack Obama, Bush’s life was “a testament to the notion that public service is a noble, joyous calling. And he did tremendous good along the journey.” Apple boss Tim Cook said: “We have lost a great American.”

In the age of Donald Trump, it isn’t difficult for hagiographers of the late Bush Sr. to paint a picture of him as a great patriot and pragmatist; a president who governed with “class” and “integrity.” It is true that the former president refused to vote for Trump in 2016, calling him a “blowhard,” and that he eschewed the white nationalist, “alt-right,” conspiratorial politics that has come to define the modern Republican Party. He helped end the Cold War without, as Obama said, “firing a shot.” He spent his life serving his country — from the military to Congress to the United Nations to the CIA to the White House. And, by all accounts, he was also a beloved grandfather and great-grandfather to his 17 grandkids and eight great-grandkids.

Yes I know this was written for his son but it is equally applicable  to the father
Nevertheless, he was a public, not a private, figure — one of only 44 men to have ever served as president of the United States. We cannot, therefore, allow his actual record in office to be beautified in such a brazen way. “When a political leader dies, it is irresponsible in the extreme to demand that only praise be permitted but not criticisms,” as my colleague Glenn Greenwald has argued, because it leads to “false history and a propagandistic whitewashing of bad acts.” The inconvenient truth is that the presidency of George Herbert Walker Bush had far more in common with the recognizably belligerent, corrupt, and right-wing Republican figures who came after him — his son George W. and the current orange-faced incumbent — than much of the political and media classes might have you believe.
Consider:
He ran a racist election campaign. The name of Willie Horton should forever be associated with Bush’s 1988 presidential bid. Horton, who was serving a life sentence for murder in Massachusetts — where Bush’s Democratic opponent, Michael Dukakis, was governor —  had fled a weekend furlough program and raped a Maryland woman. A notorious television ad called “Weekend Passes, released by a political action committee with ties to the Bush campaign, made clear to viewers that Horton was black and his victim was white.
As Bush campaign director Lee Atwater bragged, “By the time we’re finished, they’re going to wonder whether Willie Horton is Dukakis’s running mate.” Bush himself was quick to dismiss accusations of racism as “absolutely ridiculous,” yet it was clear at the time — even to right-wing Republican operatives such as Roger Stone, now a close ally of Trump — that the ad had crossed a line. “You and George Bush will wear that to your grave,” Stone complained to Atwater. “It’s a racist ad. … You’re going to regret it.”
Stone was right about Atwater, who on his deathbed apologized for using Horton against Dukakis. But Bush never did.
He made a dishonest case for war. Thirteen years before George W. Bush lied about weapons of mass destruction to justify his invasion and occupation of Iraq, his father made his own set of false claims to justify the aerial bombardment of that same country. The first Gulf War, as an investigation by journalist Joshua Keating concluded, “was sold on a mountain of war propaganda.”
For a start, Bush told the American public that Iraq had invaded Kuwait without provocation or warning.” What he omitted to mention was that the U.S. ambassador to Iraq, April Glaspie, had given an effective green light to Saddam Hussein, telling him in July 1990, a week before his invasion, “[W]e have no opinion on the Arab-Arab conflicts, like your border disagreement with Kuwait.”
Then there is the fabrication of intelligence. Bush deployed U.S. troops to the Gulf in August 1990 and claimed that he was doing so in order “to assist the Saudi Arabian Government in the defense of its homeland.” As Scott Peterson wrote in the Christian Science Monitor in 2002, “Citing top-secret satellite images, Pentagon officials estimated … that up to 250,000 Iraqi troops and 1,500 tanks stood on the border, threatening the key U.S. oil supplier.”
Yet when reporter Jean Heller of the St. Petersburg Times acquired her own commercial satellite images of the Saudi border, she found no signs of Iraqi forces; only an empty desert. “It was a pretty serious fib,” Heller told Peterson, adding: “That [Iraqi buildup] was the whole justification for Bush sending troops in there, and it just didn’t exist.”

President George H. W. Bush talks with Secretary of State James Baker III and Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney during a meeting of the cabinet in the White House on Jan. 17, 1991 to discuss the Persian Gulf War. Photo: Ron Edmonds/AP

He committed war crimes. Under Bush Sr., the U.S. dropped a whopping 88,500 tons of bombs on Iraq and Iraqi-occupied Kuwait, many of which resulted in horrific civilian casualties. In February 1991, for example, a U.S. airstrike on an air-raid shelter in the Amiriyah neighborhood of Baghdad killed at least 408 Iraqi civilians. According to Human Rights Watch, the Pentagon knew the Amiriyah facility had been used as a civil defense shelter during the Iran-Iraq war and yet had attacked without warning. It was, concluded HRW, “a serious violation of the laws of war.”

U.S. bombs also destroyed essential Iraqi civilian infrastructure — from electricity-generating and water-treatment facilities to food-processing plants and flour mills. This was no accident. As Barton Gellman of the Washington Post reported in June 1991: “Some targets, especially late in the war, were bombed primarily to create postwar leverage over Iraq, not to influence the course of the conflict itself. Planners now say their intent was to destroy or damage valuable facilities that Baghdad could not repair without foreign assistance. … Because of these goals, damage to civilian structures and interests, invariably described by briefers during the war as ‘collateral’ and unintended, was sometimes neither.”
Got that? The Bush administration deliberately targeted civilian infrastructure for “leverage” over Saddam Hussein. How is this not terrorism? As a Harvard public health team concluded in June 1991, less than four months after the end of the war, the destruction of Iraqi infrastructure had resulted in acute malnutrition and “epidemic” levels of cholera and typhoid.
By January 1992, Beth Osborne Daponte, a demographer with the U.S. Census Bureau, was estimating that Bush’s Gulf War had caused the deaths of 158,000 Iraqis, including 13,000 immediate civilian deaths and 70,000 deaths from the damage done to electricity and sewage treatment plants. Daponte’s numbers contradicted the Bush administration’s, and she was threatened by her superiors with dismissal for releasing “false information. (Sound familiar?)
He refused to cooperate with a special counsel. The Iran-Contra affair, in which the United States traded missiles for Americans hostages in Iran, and used the proceeds of those arms sales to fund Contra rebels in Nicaragua, did much to undermine the presidency of Ronald Reagan. Yet his vice president’s involvement in that controversial affair has garnered far less attention. “The criminal investigation of Bush was regrettably incomplete,” wrote Special Counsel Lawrence Walsh, a former deputy attorney general in the Eisenhower administration, in his final report on the Iran-Contra affair in August 1993.
Why? Because Bush, who was “fully aware of the Iran arms sale,” according to the special counsel, failed to hand over a diary “containing contemporaneous notes relevant to Iran/contra” and refused to be interviewed in the later stages of the investigation. In the final days of his presidency, Bush even issued pardons to six defendants in the Iran-Contra affair, including former Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger — on the eve of Weinberger’s trial for perjury and obstruction of justice. “The Weinberger pardon,” Walsh pointedly noted, “marked the first time a president ever pardoned someone in whose trial he might have been called as a witness, because the president was knowledgeable of factual events underlying the case.” An angry Walsh accused Bush of “misconduct” and helping to complete “the Iran-contra cover-up.”
Sounds like a Trumpian case of obstruction of justice, doesn’t it?

 A U.S. marshal, left, looking for a suspect, shows a mug shot to a man found allegedly using drugs in a crackhouse, according to police, in Washington, D.C., on July 18, 1989. The police raid was part of President George H.W. Bush’s war on drugs. Photo: J. Scott Applewhite/AP
He escalated the racist war on drugs. In September 1989, in a televised address to the nation from the Oval Office, Bush held up a bag of crack cocaine, which he said had been “seized a few days ago in a park across the street from the White House . … It could easily have been heroin or PCP.”

Yet a Washington Post investigation later that month revealed that federal agents had “lured” the drug dealer to Lafayette Park so that they could make an “undercover crack buy in a park better known for its location across Pennsylvania Avenue from the White House than for illegal drug activity” (the dealer didn’t know where the White House was and even asked the agents for directions). Bush cynically used this prop — the bag of crack — to call for a $1.5 billion increase in spending on the drug war, declaiming: “We need more prisons, more jails, more courts, more prosecutors.
The result? “Millions of Americans were incarcerated, hundreds of billions of dollars wasted, and hundreds of thousands of human beings allowed to die of AIDS — all in the name of a ‘war on drugs’ that did nothing to reduce drug abuse,” pointed out Ethan Nadelmann, founder of the Drug Policy Alliance, in 2014. Bush, he argued, “put ideology and politics above science and health.” Today, even leading Republicans, such as Chris Christie and Rand Paul, agree that the war on drugs, ramped up by Bush during his four years in the White House, has been a dismal and racist failure.
He groped women. Since the start of the #MeToo movement, in late 2017, at least eight different women have come forward with claims that the former president groped them, in most cases while they were posing for photos with him. One of them, Roslyn Corrigan, told Time magazine that Bush had touched her inappropriately in 2003, when she was just 16. “I was a child,” she said. The former president was 79. Bush’s spokesperson offered this defense of his boss in October 2017: “At age 93, President Bush has been confined to a wheelchair for roughly five years, so his arm falls on the lower waist of people with whom he takes pictures.” Yet, as Time noted, “Bush was standing upright in 2003 when he met Corrigan.”
Facts matter. The 41st president of the United States was not the last Republican moderate or a throwback to an imagined age of conservative decency and civility; he engaged in race baiting, obstruction of justice, and war crimes. He had much more in common with the two Republican presidents who came after him than his current crop of fans would like us to believe.