Showing posts with label David Lau. Show all posts
Showing posts with label David Lau. Show all posts

29 November 2022

The Road to Palestinian Liberation and an End to Zionism Runs Through Cairo, Baghdad, Damascus and Riyadh

We should not forget that the Blockade of Gaza could not continue but for Egypt’s Collaboration with Israel 

40 years ago Alexander Haig, Reagan’s Secretary of State described Israel as "the largest American aircraft carrier in the world that cannot be sunk". Given that central to US military doctrine has been the creation of unsinkable island aircraft carriers, from Pacific atolls to Iceland and even Britain, this explains more than anything why the United States funds Israel’s military to the tune of $4 Billion a year.

Of course there are a handful of anti-Semites like Michael Rabb, Jeff Blankfort and Gilad Atzmon, who will insist that it’s all because of Jewish Power and a Jewish stranglehold over the US government. Quite how a community of 6 million has come to overwhelm the US Congress and Presidency is one of the miracles of our  time.

But for those of us who live in the real world of imperialist realpolitik, United States support for Israel is dictated by material interests not an affection for Jews.

Former Israeli Ambassador Ron Dermer

There was a time when the United States was not that close to Israel and that was when the Jewish community in the USA was itself lukewarm about Zionism. It was only when, after the 6 Day war in 1967, the US  concluded that Israel was a reliable partner in an unstable oil rich  region of the world, that US Jews became enthusiastic about being seen to support Zionism. They had been given permission to become supporters of the United States’s rotweiller in the Middle East.

That was then, Today the American Jewish community is far from happy at events in Israel and in particular the election of a nakedly far-right, neo-fascist government. One quarter believe that Israel is an apartheid state. 38% of American Jewish youth believe this and 20% of Jews under 40 believe Israel has no right to exist.

Under the influence of the Ultra Orthodox and Religious Zionism parties, a proposal is being made to remove non-Jewish grandchildren of Jews from an entitlement to ‘return’ to Israel under the Law of Return as amended in 1970. This can only widen the chasm between Israel and American Jews. 43% of young Jews see in Israel a replication of the United States’s own racism against Black people

Most Americans are either from Conservative or Reform synagogues and to the Orthodox they are not really Jews. My own rabbi father had more contempt for them than for Christians! When the murder of 11 Jews in Pittsburgh, at the hands of a far-right Trump supporter took place, the Chief Rabbi in Israel David Lau refused to acknowledge that those who had died were Jewish. He merely said that they had a ‘profound Jewish flavour’!!

Today, it is Evangelicals who form the backbone of political support in the US for Israel. Israel though should not be complacent because the evidence from 3 surveys – in 2015, 2018 and 2021 is of a dramatic switch in allegiances among young Evangelicals to the point where they are almost equally divided between support for Israel and Palestinians.

The notion that the United States supports Israel out of some kind of affection for Jews is not only infantile but assumes that foreign policy is dictated by sentiment. As Alexander Haig explained, US military support for Israel is due to its stability as a settler colonial state with an extremely right-wing Israeli Jewish population, virtually the only Trump loving population in the world.

What then is Israel’s mission? In a nutshell watching over the Arab regimes, the United States’s junior clients, almost all of whom are in hock to the Americans. In 1970 Israel intervened in Black September to threaten the Syrian regime if it invaded Jordan. In 2011 Israel champed at the bit when Mubarak was overthrown.

Israeli leaders were in shock at what they saw as Obama’s abandonment of Mubarak at the height of the Arab spring. Reuters reported:

Political commentators expressed shock at how the United States as well as its major European allies appeared to be ready to dump a staunch strategic ally of three decades, simply to conform to the current ideology of political correctness....

According to Shimon Peres of the Israeli Labor Party

“We always have had and still have great respect for President Mubarak,” he said on Monday. He then switched to the past tense. “I don’t say everything that he did was right, but he did one thing which all of us are thankful to him for: he kept the peace in the Middle East.”

As DW explained in 2011

With Egypt's opposition movement gaining momentum and President Hosni Mubarak under increasing pressure, Israel is watching developments with concern as one its few Arab allies in the Middle East teeters on the brink.

Israel has been in de facto alliance with the Saudi, Jordanian and Egyptian regimes for decades. Today with the Abraham Accords Israel has established formal diplomatic ties with most Arab regimes, particularly those in the Gulf. It is Israel’s role above all else to guard and protect the Arab regimes and to ensure that radical nationalist or socialist movements are quashed.

We can be certain that there is close military and intelligence coordination with the Arab states and furthermore that this relationship is not of recent origin. This should give a clue as to how Zionism can be brought to an end and with it a state I once described as Hitler’s bastard offspring.

The major political mistake of the PLO, apart from accepting the idea of a two state solution was its belief that it could triumph with the support of and in alliance with the Arab regimes. The PLO turned its face away from the brutal, repressive nature of these regimes.  Regimes that were otherwise in alliance with the United States, the main supporter of the Zionist state.

For the sake of money to fund its activities, including its diplomatic missions, the PLO gave legitimacy to regimes which were illegitimate in the eyes of their people. Today it is, or should be, clear to all that these regimes are not only enemies of their own people but the Palestinians too.

The Egyptian regime is a particularly brutal regime with torture and executions common. Al Sisi seized power in 2013 and overthrew the Muslim Brotherhood’s Mohammed Morsi. The Muslim Brotherhood, which had refrained from even supporting the movement to overthrow Mubarak until late in the day, then destroyed the movement that had overthrown Mubarak by proposing an authoritarian constitution, attacking peaceful demonstrators and prosecuting journalists. The Muslim Brotherhood, of which Hamas is the Gazan wing, has a history of betrayal and support for imperialism.

Without the support of the Egyptian regime Israel could not maintain a 15 year old siege and blockade of Gaza. Unfortunately people forget this all too often. The articles below describe the extreme humiliation and indignities that Palestinians face when they travel to and from Gaza. This deliberate cruelty is carried out on behalf of the Israeli state and demonstrates the contempt that this illegitimate regime has for the Palestinians.

Below are some articles and extracts detailing the repressive, corrupt nature of the Egyptian regime which ranks among the most barbaric in the world.

On the other side of the bars: the broken families of el-Sisi's Egypt

Egypt - Land of Broken Families

Since the beginning of el-Sisi’s presidency in 2014, the number of prisoners in Egypt has surged. The authorities refuse to disclose the exact number, but the UN puts it at 114,000, which is double the capacity of 55,000. Human Rights defenders say that at least 60,000 of these are imprisoned for political reasons, helping Egypt to earn the 161st place on the Human Freedom Index.

Mona Seif vocalized the general feeling of skepticism among Egyptian Human Rights Defenders regarding the promises of the Egyptian Authorities in front of a European Parliament panel on Human Rights in October 2021:

‘The new strategy for human rights of Egypt doesn’t change anything in Egypt … It’s only made for you. Stop using it as a positive example of change.’

families visiting gaol

February 1 2021 marks the date of Santawy’s forced disappearance. This term is used to describe the period in which a person is held at a police station without being officially arrested yet, leaving the family ignorant of their location. During this time, Santawy was subjected to torture, Amnesty later reported. Officers beat him and kept him blindfolded.

Officers interrogated him about his academic research on women’s reproductive rights in Egypt. He reappeared five days later before the Supreme State Security Prosecution, the legal institution charged with investigating crimes related to national security.

‘Ahmed hardly was an activist. He was just really unlucky to be picked out by the regime.’

Five months later, Santawy received a four-year-sentence, for ‘publishing false news to undermine the state, its national interests and public order and spread panic among the people’.

Egyptian prison

Prison food is very problematic and medical care is almost non-existent, Baoumi describes the situation.

‘So Prisoners, or rather: their families, are expected to provide for their basic needs. The prisoners thus form a financial burden which many families can’t afford, especially not if their most important breadwinner is behind the bars.’

Medical negligence has led to severe health complications and in some instances even death. The fate of deposed president Mohamed Morsi speaks volumes. After six years of imprisonment, he finally succumbed at the age of 67 from a heart attack in court.

When I drive past an empty branch of the El-Tawhid & El-Nour Department Stores, a friend remarks that the chain — as many others — had to close down: its owner, Sayed el-Sewerky, was arrested for allegedly financing a terrorist group (read: the Muslim Brotherhood).

According to Human Rights Watch, the detention of businessmen like him ‘exposes how the government is using Egypt’s flawed terrorism law to punish successful businessmen who refuse to surrender their property to the state’, thereby further tightening the Army’s grip on the Egyptian economy

There is a red line connecting most of the cases. The same three accusations keep popping up: ‘joining a terrorist group’, ‘spreading false news that harms the security of the State’ and ‘misusing social media’. Furthermore, many gaolings are preceded by forced disappearances which lasts weeks to months.

The duration of the pre-detention is often lengthened by tadweer, the rotating of the detainee through existing legal cases. Once a case is handled, the detainee is kept in custody by trying him or her for a new case. Most detainees are subject to torture or other forms of inhumane or degrading treatment and there is a consistent policy of medical negligence. Many prisoners are punished by denying them the right to family visits or other ways of communicating with the outside world.

Over the years, the circumstances have gradually deteriorated for associations like the ECRF. In 2019, the parliament passed a new NGO law, requiring all organizations to register with the government by January 2023 and have their activities monitored by the State, a concession many organizations are not willing to make.

‘The first massive wave of arrests came in 2013,’ Mohamed Lotfi tells me, ‘when Sisi cracked down upon supporters of the ousted president and members of the Muslim Brotherhood.’ Over time, the scope was broadened to liberals, socialists, pan-Arabists and other non-Islamist political members.

‘The international community only noticed this big elephant in the room with the death of Giulio Regeni in January 2016,’ Lotfi states. Regeni was an Italian PhD-student conducting research on Egyptian independent trade unions, a sensitive subject in the country. He was abducted, tortured and eventually killed. In October 2021, a court in Rome opened the trial against four Egyptian police officers in their absence, accused of being responsible for the murder.

‘One cannot underestimate the effects of this mass imprisonment on Egyptian society,’ Lotfi says.

‘There are thousands and thousands of prisoners. That means thousands and thousands of families, friends, colleagues and acquaintances of prisoners who know about the plight and who think this is unfair. So the authorities are giving a signal to society in general that if they open their mouth, they could end up in the same situation.’

Egypt's Expatriation Room

Egypt’s “expatriation” policy is meant to humiliate travelers from Gaza

Hundreds of Palestinians spend long hours waiting inside a huge hall packed with people. Everyone waits for the Egyptian officers to call their names, at which point they will undergo another security check, before being put on buses to head to the Cairo International Airport. 

When we arrive at the airport in Cairo at 3 a.m., we are forced into another line and made to stand again despite the hundreds of empty chairs surrounding us. 

During this time, we are not allowed to leave the room or enjoy the airport’s facilities and amenities like the other travelers.

Cairo Airport, expatriation room, 6 a.m. (Photo: Tareq Hajjaj/Mondoweiss)

We are not allowed to sit, a rule made specially for Gaza residents. We’re then sent to another waiting hall — again, made specially for Gazans — where our passports are taken from us as we wait for our flights.

Feeling less than human: The hell of crossing into Gaza

Yet I, like any Palestinian who wants to travel to Gaza with a hawiyya, had to forgo any expectation of having my basic human rights respected. Instead, I experienced consistent humiliation, utter exhaustion, and total confusion. What should have taken hours took days, slowed down by uninterested and scornful Egyptian border agents, purposefully mismanaged crowds, and a sweeping attitude of dehumanization toward the Palestinians trying to reach their homeland.

The relief, however, lasted about 500 meters, after which we were confronted with yet another meaningless attempt to humiliate Palestinians: a further checkpoint mere minutes away from the last one. My mother in law, who suffers from severe asthma, had almost collapsed from the previous wait. Knowing this, our driver decided to cut the line to ask if we could go through, since we also had my five-month-old son. Unwilling to hear his plea, the soldier raised his gun and threatened to take his driver’s license if he said another word.

‘We are apparently not human’

I counted over 15 checkpoints from El Ferdan to the Arish, which sits on the Egypt-Gaza border and is the largest city in the Sinai Peninsula. At one point all the checkpoints seemed to blend together — there was no distinction between any of them except that they added to the suffering of Palestinian travelers with no regard for women, children, or the elderly.

The Al-Midan checkpoint outside Arish, however, was an exception. We arrived, hungry and tired, very late at night, and were forced to wait over six hours at an arbitrary barrier. We once again left the car and sat on the dirt roads as we waited. Every time we tried to seek comfort or entertain ourselves with fellow Palestinians waiting alongside us, a soldier ordered us back into our cars, with one telling us: “It looks like you like the situation you’re in, don’t you!”.

The Egyptian soldiers who were supposed to inspect the cars were on their phones. One was scrolling through TikTok and another was messaging on WhatsApp, while hundreds of Palestinians were waiting in the middle of the night with nowhere to seek shelter or even a bathroom to relieve themselves. I recall one woman begging a soldier to let her car through, as she had an infant who had soiled herself and developed an intense rash, because the mother had no more diapers left. He brushed her off. Egyptian soldiers looked on, wordlessly. They allowed chaos to ensue. In fact, chaos seemed to be the policy that the Egyptian military had adopted, leading Palestinians to their breaking points. We hated the situation we were in. In these moments, some even hated the fact they were Palestinian. One woman swore she would never repeat this journey ever again.

Trapped like cattle

The hell we were in was not over, however. Inside the Rafah crossing hall, absolute chaos unfolded. Hundreds of Palestinians were lining up to hand over their hawiyyas and passports that Egyptian officials simply needed to stamp. Except this act was far from simple.

The border hall looked like a snapshot from the past, with filthy floors, no trash can in sight, ancient computers, and electricity that cut off every few minutes. In the prayer room there was actual shit on the floor, while the ceiling looked like it was about to collapse on you.

Yet for a select few, the travel to and from Gaza can be easier, maybe even luxurious. While sitting on broken metal chairs, a room adjacent to the border hall was left ajar. Inside I could see leather couches in a nice air conditioned room and people serving drinks to those seated. These very few Palestinians traveled with a VIP travel service called Ya Hala and were sitting in its refurbished lounge away from the chaos and humiliation.

Ya Hala has links with the Egyptian government and security establishment and profits off of the siege by charging anywhere from $700 to $5,000 dollars per person to travel with the company which skips the checkpoints, the inspections, and the days-long waits. Palestinians without that kind of money, like the hundreds on the journey with my family, have to wait months or even years on waitlists in order to travel.

Abdel al Fattah after father's funeral

Alaa Abd El-Fattah and Egypt’s Climate of Repression at COP27

November 10, 2022

An example of al-Sisi’s brutality is the imprisonment of 40-year-old writer and organizer Alaa Abd El-Fattah. Alaa, who holds joint Egyptian/British citizenship, has been imprisoned for most of the last ten years, targeted for eloquently advocating for democracy and liberation. Alaa was key during the Arab Spring, inspiring people with his words and creating free speech tools on the internet. In the violent Egyptian police state with pervasive surveillance and omnipresent secret police, though, advocating for freedom is a crime. Desperate after a decade of arbitrary and abusive detention, Alaa Abd El-Fattah began a hunger strike over 220 days ago. On November 6th, as COP27 opened and world leaders descended on Sharm el-Sheikh, Alaa escalated his fast, refusing water as well. Without immediate international intervention, Alaa will likely die before the final gavel drops on COP27.

Alaa’s mother, Laila Soueif, has been waiting every day outside the prison where her son is locked up, demanding proof he is still alive. A mathematics professor, she is a renowned human rights activist herself. On Thursday, she was told that her son had received an unexplained “medical intervention.” Human Rights Watch has warned Egypt against “imposing cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment,” and that “hunger striking is a political act.”

Alaa’s lawyer was informed that he could visit Alaa, but, upon arriving at the prison gate, was denied entry.

Alaa’s two sisters, Mona and Sanaa, staged a sit-in at the British Foreign Office in London, calling on the government of newly-installed Prime Minister Rishi Sunak to intervene on Alaa’s behalf, and to bring him to the UK. Sunak, who is attending COP27, wrote to the family, “I will continue to stress to President Sisi the importance that we attach to the swift resolution of Alaa’s case, and an end to his unacceptable treatment.” Sanaa, 28, is now at COP27, and has helped bring human rights front and center onto the climate justice agenda. Sanaa, who has spent three years in prison herself, has been threatened with arrest.

President Biden has enormous leverage over the Egyptian government, and is attending COP27. Fifty-six Congressmembers have urged him to demand Alaa’s release. While campaigning in 2020, Biden actually tweeted in support of other imprisoned Egyptian dissidents, writing, “Arresting, torturing, and exiling activists…or threatening their families is unacceptable. No more blank checks for Trump’s ‘favorite dictator.’”

Egypt's Crowded Cells

Instead of fist-bumping the US-backed dictator al-Sisi, the way he did with the autocratic head of Saudi Arabia, Mohamed bin Salman, Biden should demand the immediate release of Alaa and all other political prisoners. Laila Soueif wrote to Biden and other world leaders attending COP27, “If Alaa dies you too will have blood on your hands.”

In 2019, Mada Masr, one of Egypt’s last remaining independent news organizations, published a piece by Alaa, addressing the climate. It also appears in Alaa’s book, “You Have Not Yet Been Defeated”:

World Leaders at COP27

“The crisis, for certain, is not a crisis of awareness, but of surrendering to the inevitability of inequality. If the only thing that unites us is the threat, then every person or group will move to defend their interests. But if we meet around a hope in a better future, a future where we put an end to all forms of inequality, this global awareness will be transformed into positive energy. Hope here is a necessary action. Our rosy dreams will probably not come to pass. But if we leave ourselves to our nightmares we’ll be killed by fear before the Floods arrive.”

Alaa Abd El-Fattah should be attending COP27, addressing world leaders – not on the edge of death in an Egyptian prison.

21 January 2019

Biting the Bullet - Jewish Voice for Peace Declare Themselves an Anti-Zionist Group

If You Say You Support the Palestinians You Can’t be Neutral on the Racist Ideology that led to the Creation of the Israeli State




Formed in 1996 Jewish Voice for Peace has become the largest single Jewish group advocating for the Palestinians in the world. Indeed it is the largest pro-Palestinian organisation in the United States. Where it has led others, like Ifnnotnow have followed.
JVP has over 70 chapters, hundreds of thousands of online supporters and over 100,000 Jewish signatories. One theme has run through all their actions – what Israel does to the Palestinians is Not in my Name. The Jewish state is not, despite its claims, a State of the Jews.
JVP did not start off as an anti-Zionist organisation. To have done so would have cut it off from an American Jewish community of some 5 million people. Unlike in Britain, the vast majority of American Jews are Liberal, Masorti or Conservative as opposed to Orthodox. Although historically the American Jewish community was the most liberal section of the White community in the USA, supporting the civil rights struggle of Black people, it also supported Israel and turned a blind eye to things which, if they’d occurred in America and to them, they would have been the first to condemn.
Unlike Britain there is a Growing Divorce Between the American Jewish Community and Israel
JVP was the first to raise the question of the American Jewish community’s loyalty to Israel. As in Britain Jews have historically been silenced by memes such as ‘You don’t live in Israel you have no right to criticise what it does’ and of course the classic argument of Zionism that if anti-Semitism ever rears its ugly head then Israel will provide a refuge.
These arguments carry less weight today. If Israel claims to be a state of the Jews, all Jews wherever they live, then it can hardly claim immunity from criticism by Jews. This argument, that people who don’t live in Israel can’t criticise it would not be given the time of day if it had been applied to Apartheid South Africa or Nazi Germany. 
Israel has become a topic of both discussion and dissension within America Jewry. Partly this is because of Israel’s own desire for Jewish racial purity. In a state based on race then someone must be the guardian of who is and who is not a member of the chosen race. There must be some ‘objective’ criteria for deciding who does and does not fit in.
Liberal and Conservative Jews are not recognised as fully Jewish and therefore most American Jews live in a no man’s land. All personal matters – birth, marriage, divorce and death – in Israel are controlled by the Orthodox rabbinate. American Jews are Jewish for the purposes of the Law of Return but not for personal matters.
When a neo-Nazi gunman Robert Bowers murdered 11 Jews at the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh last October Israel’s Chief Rabbi David Lau refused to even recognise that this was a synagogue. Lau called it ‘a place with a profound Jewish flavour’ as if it was a form of chewing gum.
Robert Bowers had targeted this particular synagogue because they worked together with HIAS, the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society which helped refugees in the United States. ‘You like to bring in hostile invaders to dwell among us’ This was at the same time as when Donald Trump’s racist invective was at its height attacking the refugee caravan during the Congressional elections. Trump created the atmosphere in which Bowers did his murderous deeds.
It was no therefore surprise that Pittsburgh Jews told Trump to stay away and not to visit them and when he came anyway they demonstrated against his presence. Who accompanied Trump? The Israeli Ambassador Ronald Dermer. Who flew to the USA to defend Trump?  The arch-racist Israeli Education Minister Naftali Bennett.
Shalom Lipner, a former adviser to several Israeli prime ministers, was reported as saying that Bennett’s actions were
‘misguided + irresponsible this is: an Israeli minister coming to Pittsburgh and hitting the campaign trail for Trump one week before the midterms. Israel is already enough of a partisan football in America; why would Bennett want to make the problem worse?’
Liberal Zionist columnist Peter Beinart tweeted, “Yes, antisemites don’t ask if you’re Orthodox, Conservative or Reform. How about the Israeli government?”
This is the atmosphere in which JVP organises. There is severe disagreement in the American Jewish community over its relations with Israel. Netanyahu is reported to have written off the American Jewish community altogether.
Two years ago JVP set up a working party to draw up a statement on Zionism. They have now reported and issued a statement. They declare that:
‘Jewish Voice for Peace is guided by a vision of justice, equality and freedom for all people. We unequivocally oppose Zionism because it is counter to those ideals.’ 
The statement explains that when it was first formed
‘JVP made a conscious choice as an organization to abstain from taking a position on Zionism, because we felt it closed off conversation in the Jewish community.’
JVP’s decision to now describe itself as anti-Zionist is an important one. It should serve as an example to British Jewish groups such as Jews for Justice for Palestinians which has steadfastly refused to adopt any position on Zionism and has instead stuck to an outdated and incoherent 2 State position that accepts a racist Israeli state. Jewish Voice for Labour, although most of its members are anti-Zionist has likewise adopted a position that says it will take no position on Zionism. Palestine Solidarity Campaign  although formally anti-Zionist in practice says nothing at all about Zionism.
Why the Question of Zionism is important
There is one thing that Zionists hate above all and that is discussing Zionism. The Jewish Labour Movement campaigned against what it saw as the use of the term Zionism as a word of abuse. A position endorsed by the Labour Party’s Chakrabarti Report.
Why then is it important to understand and to oppose Zionism? First and foremost because Zionism is the political movement that gave birth to the Israeli State. Zionism is the ideology of the Israeli state.
If you don’t understand Zionism then you won’t understand why Israel is a uniquely ethno nationalist state. You won't understand why it behaves as it does. Instead of dealing with the Israeli state as a political problem Israel will be seen as amenable to a 'peace process' and diplomacy. Israel’s treatment of the Palestinians will be seen as primarily one of human rights and not a consequence of settler colonialism.
If you don’t understand and oppose Zionism and see how it is antipathetic to Jewish people and how it internalised everything anti-Semitism said about Jews then people will see Israel as a normal bourgeois democratic state that has gone off the rails. Without an understanding of Zionism people see Israel as a Jewish state no different from Britain as a Christian state. From there it is but one step to seeing Israel as the embodiment of Jewishness, which is the approach of anti-Semites like Gilad Atzmon.
Anti-Zionism is the cure for Anti-Semitism
Anti-Zionism, contrary to what is alleged, is the cure for anti-Semitism. Instead of blaming Israel on the Jews, anti-Zionism enables people to understand the racist and imperial roots of Zionist colonisation and settler colonialism. Israel is seen as a state that does the bidding of western imperialism rather than a Jewish collectivity.
That is why the Zionist cliché that anti-Zionism = anti-Semitism is an Orwellian lie that doesn’t become true by repetition. When world leaders such as Justin Trudea or Emmanuel Macron repeat this lie it is because they wish to demonise opposition to western imperialism.
When people don’t have an understanding of where Israel has come from and why, then they look to conspiracy theories about Jewish power or the Rothschild bankers. It is the demonization of anti-Zionism that leads to anti-Semitism. Today as yesterday, virtually all anti-Semites are also supporters of Zionism. From Christian Zionists to White Supremacists there is wall to wall agreement on support for Zionism.  As Orly Azoulay put it in Israel’s YNet
‘The Jewish right in America and in Israel is no longer afraid of the ‘old anti-Semitism,’ yet progressive Jews are being defined as accomplices of Israel’s haters. As a result, Israel’s relationship with America’s Jews is becoming increasingly explosive.’
For example the Zionist Organisation of America invited Trump’s anti-Semitic adviser Steve Bannon as a guest speaker at its annual gala dinner in 2017 and 2018.  John Hagee, the President of the million strong Christian United for Israel, who preached that Hitler was god’s agent sent to drive the Jews to Israel, presided at the opening of the US embassy in Jerusalem.
JVP have recognised that if you are going to support the Palestinians then you have to take a position, not merely on this or that aspect of Israeli policies but on the nature of the state itself and the movement that gave birth to it.
I have disagreements with aspects of the statement. For example I think they are wrong to talk about different strands of Zionism and equate ‘Cultural Zionism’ (which was confined to about a dozen supporters) with Political Zionism and also not to see that Religious Zionism was an offshoot of the latter. I note that they don’t even mention Labour or Socialist Zionism, quite correctly in my opinion.
Also I think JVP are wrong not to openly come out and say that Zionism is a form of racism. I also think JVP are wrong to describe Zionism as ‘a form of Jewish nationalism’. This presupposes that the Jews are a nation, an anti-Semitic idea. Zionism was a nationalist movement, amongst Jews and non-Jews. In much the same way as Nazism and similar racist movements in Poland, Romania and Hungary were nationalist. However Zionism wasn’t a movement of a Jewish nation.  I make a sharp difference between nationalism and a nationalist movement.
I disagree with the formulation that
‘“Anti-Zionism” is a loose term referring to criticism of the current policies of the Israeli state, and/or moral, ethical, or religious criticism of the idea of a Jewish nation-state.’
Anti-Zionism is a critique, not of particular policies of the Israeli government but the State itself. A Jewish State is inherently racist in a settler colonial context. But these are mere quibbles. JVP accepts that Israel is a settler colonial state and an Apartheid State. More importantly than both it describes itself as anti-Zionist.  All I can say to this is Mazel Tov. Let us hope that British Jewish groups in support of the Palestinians have the courage of their convictions and realise that temporising will not gain them either support or friends.  Below is the JVP statement:
Tony Greenstein

What is Zionism? Where did it come from?

Zionism is a form of Jewish nationalism, and is the primary ideology that drove the establishment of Israel. Zionism began in the late 19th century in the context of a set of huge changes in political, cultural, social landscape of Jewish life in Europe, along with the general rise of nationalist movements and nation-state political forms. For Jews in Europe, this meant a sharp rise in violent antisemitism. Jewish people – even though they had lived in Europe for centuries – were fundamentally excluded from the ways European nations defined themselves. This resulted in violent, targeted, anti-Jewish massacres in Russia, known as pogroms; the development of anti-Jewish conspiracy theories like Protocols of the Elders of Zion; and the re-emergence of older antisemitic tropes, like blood libels, which claim that Jewish people use the blood of Christian children in rituals.
Some Jewish people responded to this antisemitism by attempting to assimilate into the European countries they lived in; this often proved impossible. Many Jewish people – over 2.5 million – left as refugees, coming to the United States or other parts of Europe. Others, most famously the Bund, rejected the concept of nationalism altogether or turned to revolutionary socialism. And some, notably Theodore Herzl, often seen as the founder of Zionism, thought that Jews themselves constituted a separate people, and should therefore have a state of their own. Herzl and other early Zionist thinkers were also very influenced by European settler colonial thinking, often explicitly making the case that a Jewish state in Palestine would be a European colony similar to the British presence in India.
It is important to note that people who consider themselves Zionist have different interpretations of what that label means in the present political moment, to them personally, and historically. Moreover, over time, multiple strains of Zionism have emerged, including political Zionism, religious Zionism, and cultural Zionism.
  • Political: When people refer to “Zionism” today, this is often what they mean. Founded by 19th Century thinker Theodore Herzl, it sees the “Jewish problem” as having a solution in a “Jewish state.” As nationalism rose in Europe, many, including Herzl, saw Jews as outsiders to the nation, unable or unwilling to assimilate or be fully accepted as members of the nation-state. According to Herzl, this “problem” should be solved by a community of nations by establishing a Jewish state in Palestine.
  • Religious: Many, but not all, forms of Zionism have their roots in theological interpretations. It is important to note that this form of Zionism is not exclusive to Jewish religious traditions. For example, some evangelical Christian denominations believe that in order to facilitate the second coming of Christ, Jews must “gather” in Israel as part of Biblical prophecy.
  • Cultural: Most often attributed to Herzl’s contemporary, Ahad Ha’am (Asher Ginsberg), this form of Zionism called for a spiritual and cultural center for Jewish people in Palestine, but not for a “Jewish state” in the same way Herzl did. Instead, this form of Zionism calls for Jews to share a national language and culture.
The political ideology of Zionism, regardless of which strain, has resulted in the establishment of a Jewish nation-state in the land of historic Palestine. In 1948, 750,000 Palestinians were expelled as part of that process, their homes and property confiscated. Despite recognition of their rights by the United Nations, their rights to return and be compensated have long been denied by the US and Israel. In 1967, Israel occupied what is now known as the Occupied Palestinian Territories, putting millions of people under military rule. Longstanding systemic inequalities privilege Jews over Palestinians inside Israel and in the Occupied Territories.
For more, please see this speech by former JVP Deputy Director Cecilie Surasky, “Settler colonialism, white supremacy, and the ‘special relationship’ between the U.S. and Israel”

What is anti-Zionism?

“Anti-Zionism” is a loose term referring to criticism of the current policies of the Israeli state, and/or moral, ethical, or religious criticism of the idea of a Jewish nation-state. There has been debate, criticism and opposition to Zionism within Jewish thought for as long as it has existed. Jewish anti-Zionists span a political and religious spectrum, from religious and secular progressives who view opposition to Zionism as an anti-racist praxis, to ultra-Orthodox Jews who oppose Jewish dominion until the time of the Messiah, to anarchist Jews who oppose the very concept of nation-states, Jewish or otherwise. There are also many non-Jewish anti-Zionists whose perspectives may be informed by moral criticism of the policies of the Israeli government, problems with the impact of Zionist thinking in Israel on non-Jewish residents, and/or a criticism of ethno-nationalism more broadly. Many Palestinians take anti-Zionist positions or identify as anti-Zionist because of the current and historical practices of the Israeli state.
Criticism of Zionism is not to be conflated with antisemitism. States such as Israel and the United States are openly criticized in public life, and their political beliefs and policies are subject to critical debate, in accord with our basic First Amendment rights.
For more on the history of Jewish alternatives to Zionism, please see this blog post by former JVP staffer Ben Lorber.
For more on the problems of conflating antisemitism with anti-Zionism, please see this op-ed by NY Times columnist Michelle Goldberg.
For more on criticisms of Zionism, please see these excerpts from “Zionism from the Standpoint of its Victims” by Edward Said.

Why and how did we clarify our position on Zionism?

At its founding, JVP made a conscious choice as an organization to abstain from taking a position on Zionism, because we felt it closed off conversation in the Jewish community. Palestinian partners had long theorized Zionism as the root cause of the Palestinian condition, and more and more of our members not only agreed, but understood Zionism as damaging to Jewish identity and spiritual life. In 2014, it became clear that we needed to clarify our position in order to effectively continue doing our work.
We started by creating a committee through an application process that was purposely designed to represent the breadth of JVP membership. This group of staff, members and board met regularly over the course of two years to design a curriculum on Zionism. Over 700 members attended the webinars presenting the curriculum, and throughout the process, chapters met and discussed the ways JVP’s approach to Zionism impacted their work locally and nationally.
In addition, we held conversations about Zionism at the 2017 National Member Meeting, surveyed individuals who attended the webinars, and had our constituency groups – including Rabbis, artists, and students – hold independent discussions on Zionism, notes of which were shared with the JVP board.
We also gathered feedback from JVP staff, Palestinian members, activists and thinkers, along with feedback from Jewish people of color and Sephardi & Mizrahi Jews.
The board met over the summer and fall of 2018 to draft and finalize this statement.

What do you see as the harms of Zionism against Jewish people? Isn’t Zionism a movement for Jewish self-determination?

While Zionism is often referred to as a movement of “Jewish self-determination,” the Zionist movement defined this term in a narrow political sense, rejecting the diaspora as inherently toxic and unhealthy for Jews. The Classical Zionist concept known as shlilat hagalut (“negation of the diaspora”), demeaned centuries of a rich Jewish spiritual and cultural history – often to the point of using anti-Semitic imagery. For instance, famed Zionist journalist/ writer Micah Josef Berdichevsky claimed diaspora Jews were “not a nation, not a people and not human.” Hebrew literary icon Yosef Hayyim Brenner called them “gypsies, filthy dogs and inhuman,” while Labor Zionist AD Gordon referred to diaspora Jews as “a parasitic people.”
Zionism, as a political ideology and as a movement, has always hierarchized Jews based on ethnicity and race, and has not equally benefited or been liberatory for all Jewish people in Israel. Zionism is and was an Ashkenazi-led movement that othered, marginalized and discriminated against Jews from across the Middle East and North Africa that it termed Mizrahim (the ‘Eastern Ones’).
In the early 1950s, starting two years after the Nakba, the Israeli government facilitated a mass immigration of Mizrahim. Unlike their Ashkenazi counterparts, the new Mizrahi immigrants were not permitted to settle in the central cities or live in housing they could eventually come to own. Instead, the Israeli police were deployed to compel Mizrahi immigrants to remain in the transient camps and later development towns in Israel’s periphery, as a means to expand the state territory and prevent Palestinian return. During the 1950s Mizrahi immigrants were also subject to medical experimentation facilitated or performed by the Israeli government, and several thousand babies and toddlers were forcibly taken from their parents by the Israeli government. These children, two thirds Yemeni and a third from Tunisian, Moroccan, Libyan, Iraqi and Balkan families, were taken by physicians and social workers and given up for adoption by Ashkenazi families.
From the first waves of immigration in the 1980s, Ethiopian Jews have experienced racism on the part of the government and the Israeli public, exclusion from the public sphere, discrimination in education and employment, and exposure to physical and verbal violence. They also remain unrecognized as Jews by the Israeli religious establishment and religious councils because of racial prejudice. Ethiopian mobilization for racial justice consolidated since 2015 has called for an end to institutional discrimination, police harassment, arrests without cause, false accusations and indictments about assaulting police officers, and the denial of due process, all of which have long been experienced by the Ethiopian community.
For more, please see “Zionism from the Standpoint of its Jewish Victims” by Ella Shohat, and “They didn’t want Ethiopian Jews in Israel, either” by Efrat Yerday.