Showing posts with label Muslim Brotherhood. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Muslim Brotherhood. Show all posts

29 November 2022

The Road to Palestinian Liberation and an End to Zionism Runs Through Cairo, Baghdad, Damascus and Riyadh

We should not forget that the Blockade of Gaza could not continue but for Egypt’s Collaboration with Israel 

40 years ago Alexander Haig, Reagan’s Secretary of State described Israel as "the largest American aircraft carrier in the world that cannot be sunk". Given that central to US military doctrine has been the creation of unsinkable island aircraft carriers, from Pacific atolls to Iceland and even Britain, this explains more than anything why the United States funds Israel’s military to the tune of $4 Billion a year.

Of course there are a handful of anti-Semites like Michael Rabb, Jeff Blankfort and Gilad Atzmon, who will insist that it’s all because of Jewish Power and a Jewish stranglehold over the US government. Quite how a community of 6 million has come to overwhelm the US Congress and Presidency is one of the miracles of our  time.

But for those of us who live in the real world of imperialist realpolitik, United States support for Israel is dictated by material interests not an affection for Jews.

Former Israeli Ambassador Ron Dermer

There was a time when the United States was not that close to Israel and that was when the Jewish community in the USA was itself lukewarm about Zionism. It was only when, after the 6 Day war in 1967, the US  concluded that Israel was a reliable partner in an unstable oil rich  region of the world, that US Jews became enthusiastic about being seen to support Zionism. They had been given permission to become supporters of the United States’s rotweiller in the Middle East.

That was then, Today the American Jewish community is far from happy at events in Israel and in particular the election of a nakedly far-right, neo-fascist government. One quarter believe that Israel is an apartheid state. 38% of American Jewish youth believe this and 20% of Jews under 40 believe Israel has no right to exist.

Under the influence of the Ultra Orthodox and Religious Zionism parties, a proposal is being made to remove non-Jewish grandchildren of Jews from an entitlement to ‘return’ to Israel under the Law of Return as amended in 1970. This can only widen the chasm between Israel and American Jews. 43% of young Jews see in Israel a replication of the United States’s own racism against Black people

Most Americans are either from Conservative or Reform synagogues and to the Orthodox they are not really Jews. My own rabbi father had more contempt for them than for Christians! When the murder of 11 Jews in Pittsburgh, at the hands of a far-right Trump supporter took place, the Chief Rabbi in Israel David Lau refused to acknowledge that those who had died were Jewish. He merely said that they had a ‘profound Jewish flavour’!!

Today, it is Evangelicals who form the backbone of political support in the US for Israel. Israel though should not be complacent because the evidence from 3 surveys – in 2015, 2018 and 2021 is of a dramatic switch in allegiances among young Evangelicals to the point where they are almost equally divided between support for Israel and Palestinians.

The notion that the United States supports Israel out of some kind of affection for Jews is not only infantile but assumes that foreign policy is dictated by sentiment. As Alexander Haig explained, US military support for Israel is due to its stability as a settler colonial state with an extremely right-wing Israeli Jewish population, virtually the only Trump loving population in the world.

What then is Israel’s mission? In a nutshell watching over the Arab regimes, the United States’s junior clients, almost all of whom are in hock to the Americans. In 1970 Israel intervened in Black September to threaten the Syrian regime if it invaded Jordan. In 2011 Israel champed at the bit when Mubarak was overthrown.

Israeli leaders were in shock at what they saw as Obama’s abandonment of Mubarak at the height of the Arab spring. Reuters reported:

Political commentators expressed shock at how the United States as well as its major European allies appeared to be ready to dump a staunch strategic ally of three decades, simply to conform to the current ideology of political correctness....

According to Shimon Peres of the Israeli Labor Party

“We always have had and still have great respect for President Mubarak,” he said on Monday. He then switched to the past tense. “I don’t say everything that he did was right, but he did one thing which all of us are thankful to him for: he kept the peace in the Middle East.”

As DW explained in 2011

With Egypt's opposition movement gaining momentum and President Hosni Mubarak under increasing pressure, Israel is watching developments with concern as one its few Arab allies in the Middle East teeters on the brink.

Israel has been in de facto alliance with the Saudi, Jordanian and Egyptian regimes for decades. Today with the Abraham Accords Israel has established formal diplomatic ties with most Arab regimes, particularly those in the Gulf. It is Israel’s role above all else to guard and protect the Arab regimes and to ensure that radical nationalist or socialist movements are quashed.

We can be certain that there is close military and intelligence coordination with the Arab states and furthermore that this relationship is not of recent origin. This should give a clue as to how Zionism can be brought to an end and with it a state I once described as Hitler’s bastard offspring.

The major political mistake of the PLO, apart from accepting the idea of a two state solution was its belief that it could triumph with the support of and in alliance with the Arab regimes. The PLO turned its face away from the brutal, repressive nature of these regimes.  Regimes that were otherwise in alliance with the United States, the main supporter of the Zionist state.

For the sake of money to fund its activities, including its diplomatic missions, the PLO gave legitimacy to regimes which were illegitimate in the eyes of their people. Today it is, or should be, clear to all that these regimes are not only enemies of their own people but the Palestinians too.

The Egyptian regime is a particularly brutal regime with torture and executions common. Al Sisi seized power in 2013 and overthrew the Muslim Brotherhood’s Mohammed Morsi. The Muslim Brotherhood, which had refrained from even supporting the movement to overthrow Mubarak until late in the day, then destroyed the movement that had overthrown Mubarak by proposing an authoritarian constitution, attacking peaceful demonstrators and prosecuting journalists. The Muslim Brotherhood, of which Hamas is the Gazan wing, has a history of betrayal and support for imperialism.

Without the support of the Egyptian regime Israel could not maintain a 15 year old siege and blockade of Gaza. Unfortunately people forget this all too often. The articles below describe the extreme humiliation and indignities that Palestinians face when they travel to and from Gaza. This deliberate cruelty is carried out on behalf of the Israeli state and demonstrates the contempt that this illegitimate regime has for the Palestinians.

Below are some articles and extracts detailing the repressive, corrupt nature of the Egyptian regime which ranks among the most barbaric in the world.

On the other side of the bars: the broken families of el-Sisi's Egypt

Egypt - Land of Broken Families

Since the beginning of el-Sisi’s presidency in 2014, the number of prisoners in Egypt has surged. The authorities refuse to disclose the exact number, but the UN puts it at 114,000, which is double the capacity of 55,000. Human Rights defenders say that at least 60,000 of these are imprisoned for political reasons, helping Egypt to earn the 161st place on the Human Freedom Index.

Mona Seif vocalized the general feeling of skepticism among Egyptian Human Rights Defenders regarding the promises of the Egyptian Authorities in front of a European Parliament panel on Human Rights in October 2021:

‘The new strategy for human rights of Egypt doesn’t change anything in Egypt … It’s only made for you. Stop using it as a positive example of change.’

families visiting gaol

February 1 2021 marks the date of Santawy’s forced disappearance. This term is used to describe the period in which a person is held at a police station without being officially arrested yet, leaving the family ignorant of their location. During this time, Santawy was subjected to torture, Amnesty later reported. Officers beat him and kept him blindfolded.

Officers interrogated him about his academic research on women’s reproductive rights in Egypt. He reappeared five days later before the Supreme State Security Prosecution, the legal institution charged with investigating crimes related to national security.

‘Ahmed hardly was an activist. He was just really unlucky to be picked out by the regime.’

Five months later, Santawy received a four-year-sentence, for ‘publishing false news to undermine the state, its national interests and public order and spread panic among the people’.

Egyptian prison

Prison food is very problematic and medical care is almost non-existent, Baoumi describes the situation.

‘So Prisoners, or rather: their families, are expected to provide for their basic needs. The prisoners thus form a financial burden which many families can’t afford, especially not if their most important breadwinner is behind the bars.’

Medical negligence has led to severe health complications and in some instances even death. The fate of deposed president Mohamed Morsi speaks volumes. After six years of imprisonment, he finally succumbed at the age of 67 from a heart attack in court.

When I drive past an empty branch of the El-Tawhid & El-Nour Department Stores, a friend remarks that the chain — as many others — had to close down: its owner, Sayed el-Sewerky, was arrested for allegedly financing a terrorist group (read: the Muslim Brotherhood).

According to Human Rights Watch, the detention of businessmen like him ‘exposes how the government is using Egypt’s flawed terrorism law to punish successful businessmen who refuse to surrender their property to the state’, thereby further tightening the Army’s grip on the Egyptian economy

There is a red line connecting most of the cases. The same three accusations keep popping up: ‘joining a terrorist group’, ‘spreading false news that harms the security of the State’ and ‘misusing social media’. Furthermore, many gaolings are preceded by forced disappearances which lasts weeks to months.

The duration of the pre-detention is often lengthened by tadweer, the rotating of the detainee through existing legal cases. Once a case is handled, the detainee is kept in custody by trying him or her for a new case. Most detainees are subject to torture or other forms of inhumane or degrading treatment and there is a consistent policy of medical negligence. Many prisoners are punished by denying them the right to family visits or other ways of communicating with the outside world.

Over the years, the circumstances have gradually deteriorated for associations like the ECRF. In 2019, the parliament passed a new NGO law, requiring all organizations to register with the government by January 2023 and have their activities monitored by the State, a concession many organizations are not willing to make.

‘The first massive wave of arrests came in 2013,’ Mohamed Lotfi tells me, ‘when Sisi cracked down upon supporters of the ousted president and members of the Muslim Brotherhood.’ Over time, the scope was broadened to liberals, socialists, pan-Arabists and other non-Islamist political members.

‘The international community only noticed this big elephant in the room with the death of Giulio Regeni in January 2016,’ Lotfi states. Regeni was an Italian PhD-student conducting research on Egyptian independent trade unions, a sensitive subject in the country. He was abducted, tortured and eventually killed. In October 2021, a court in Rome opened the trial against four Egyptian police officers in their absence, accused of being responsible for the murder.

‘One cannot underestimate the effects of this mass imprisonment on Egyptian society,’ Lotfi says.

‘There are thousands and thousands of prisoners. That means thousands and thousands of families, friends, colleagues and acquaintances of prisoners who know about the plight and who think this is unfair. So the authorities are giving a signal to society in general that if they open their mouth, they could end up in the same situation.’

Egypt's Expatriation Room

Egypt’s “expatriation” policy is meant to humiliate travelers from Gaza

Hundreds of Palestinians spend long hours waiting inside a huge hall packed with people. Everyone waits for the Egyptian officers to call their names, at which point they will undergo another security check, before being put on buses to head to the Cairo International Airport. 

When we arrive at the airport in Cairo at 3 a.m., we are forced into another line and made to stand again despite the hundreds of empty chairs surrounding us. 

During this time, we are not allowed to leave the room or enjoy the airport’s facilities and amenities like the other travelers.

Cairo Airport, expatriation room, 6 a.m. (Photo: Tareq Hajjaj/Mondoweiss)

We are not allowed to sit, a rule made specially for Gaza residents. We’re then sent to another waiting hall — again, made specially for Gazans — where our passports are taken from us as we wait for our flights.

Feeling less than human: The hell of crossing into Gaza

Yet I, like any Palestinian who wants to travel to Gaza with a hawiyya, had to forgo any expectation of having my basic human rights respected. Instead, I experienced consistent humiliation, utter exhaustion, and total confusion. What should have taken hours took days, slowed down by uninterested and scornful Egyptian border agents, purposefully mismanaged crowds, and a sweeping attitude of dehumanization toward the Palestinians trying to reach their homeland.

The relief, however, lasted about 500 meters, after which we were confronted with yet another meaningless attempt to humiliate Palestinians: a further checkpoint mere minutes away from the last one. My mother in law, who suffers from severe asthma, had almost collapsed from the previous wait. Knowing this, our driver decided to cut the line to ask if we could go through, since we also had my five-month-old son. Unwilling to hear his plea, the soldier raised his gun and threatened to take his driver’s license if he said another word.

‘We are apparently not human’

I counted over 15 checkpoints from El Ferdan to the Arish, which sits on the Egypt-Gaza border and is the largest city in the Sinai Peninsula. At one point all the checkpoints seemed to blend together — there was no distinction between any of them except that they added to the suffering of Palestinian travelers with no regard for women, children, or the elderly.

The Al-Midan checkpoint outside Arish, however, was an exception. We arrived, hungry and tired, very late at night, and were forced to wait over six hours at an arbitrary barrier. We once again left the car and sat on the dirt roads as we waited. Every time we tried to seek comfort or entertain ourselves with fellow Palestinians waiting alongside us, a soldier ordered us back into our cars, with one telling us: “It looks like you like the situation you’re in, don’t you!”.

The Egyptian soldiers who were supposed to inspect the cars were on their phones. One was scrolling through TikTok and another was messaging on WhatsApp, while hundreds of Palestinians were waiting in the middle of the night with nowhere to seek shelter or even a bathroom to relieve themselves. I recall one woman begging a soldier to let her car through, as she had an infant who had soiled herself and developed an intense rash, because the mother had no more diapers left. He brushed her off. Egyptian soldiers looked on, wordlessly. They allowed chaos to ensue. In fact, chaos seemed to be the policy that the Egyptian military had adopted, leading Palestinians to their breaking points. We hated the situation we were in. In these moments, some even hated the fact they were Palestinian. One woman swore she would never repeat this journey ever again.

Trapped like cattle

The hell we were in was not over, however. Inside the Rafah crossing hall, absolute chaos unfolded. Hundreds of Palestinians were lining up to hand over their hawiyyas and passports that Egyptian officials simply needed to stamp. Except this act was far from simple.

The border hall looked like a snapshot from the past, with filthy floors, no trash can in sight, ancient computers, and electricity that cut off every few minutes. In the prayer room there was actual shit on the floor, while the ceiling looked like it was about to collapse on you.

Yet for a select few, the travel to and from Gaza can be easier, maybe even luxurious. While sitting on broken metal chairs, a room adjacent to the border hall was left ajar. Inside I could see leather couches in a nice air conditioned room and people serving drinks to those seated. These very few Palestinians traveled with a VIP travel service called Ya Hala and were sitting in its refurbished lounge away from the chaos and humiliation.

Ya Hala has links with the Egyptian government and security establishment and profits off of the siege by charging anywhere from $700 to $5,000 dollars per person to travel with the company which skips the checkpoints, the inspections, and the days-long waits. Palestinians without that kind of money, like the hundreds on the journey with my family, have to wait months or even years on waitlists in order to travel.

Abdel al Fattah after father's funeral

Alaa Abd El-Fattah and Egypt’s Climate of Repression at COP27

November 10, 2022

An example of al-Sisi’s brutality is the imprisonment of 40-year-old writer and organizer Alaa Abd El-Fattah. Alaa, who holds joint Egyptian/British citizenship, has been imprisoned for most of the last ten years, targeted for eloquently advocating for democracy and liberation. Alaa was key during the Arab Spring, inspiring people with his words and creating free speech tools on the internet. In the violent Egyptian police state with pervasive surveillance and omnipresent secret police, though, advocating for freedom is a crime. Desperate after a decade of arbitrary and abusive detention, Alaa Abd El-Fattah began a hunger strike over 220 days ago. On November 6th, as COP27 opened and world leaders descended on Sharm el-Sheikh, Alaa escalated his fast, refusing water as well. Without immediate international intervention, Alaa will likely die before the final gavel drops on COP27.

Alaa’s mother, Laila Soueif, has been waiting every day outside the prison where her son is locked up, demanding proof he is still alive. A mathematics professor, she is a renowned human rights activist herself. On Thursday, she was told that her son had received an unexplained “medical intervention.” Human Rights Watch has warned Egypt against “imposing cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment,” and that “hunger striking is a political act.”

Alaa’s lawyer was informed that he could visit Alaa, but, upon arriving at the prison gate, was denied entry.

Alaa’s two sisters, Mona and Sanaa, staged a sit-in at the British Foreign Office in London, calling on the government of newly-installed Prime Minister Rishi Sunak to intervene on Alaa’s behalf, and to bring him to the UK. Sunak, who is attending COP27, wrote to the family, “I will continue to stress to President Sisi the importance that we attach to the swift resolution of Alaa’s case, and an end to his unacceptable treatment.” Sanaa, 28, is now at COP27, and has helped bring human rights front and center onto the climate justice agenda. Sanaa, who has spent three years in prison herself, has been threatened with arrest.

President Biden has enormous leverage over the Egyptian government, and is attending COP27. Fifty-six Congressmembers have urged him to demand Alaa’s release. While campaigning in 2020, Biden actually tweeted in support of other imprisoned Egyptian dissidents, writing, “Arresting, torturing, and exiling activists…or threatening their families is unacceptable. No more blank checks for Trump’s ‘favorite dictator.’”

Egypt's Crowded Cells

Instead of fist-bumping the US-backed dictator al-Sisi, the way he did with the autocratic head of Saudi Arabia, Mohamed bin Salman, Biden should demand the immediate release of Alaa and all other political prisoners. Laila Soueif wrote to Biden and other world leaders attending COP27, “If Alaa dies you too will have blood on your hands.”

In 2019, Mada Masr, one of Egypt’s last remaining independent news organizations, published a piece by Alaa, addressing the climate. It also appears in Alaa’s book, “You Have Not Yet Been Defeated”:

World Leaders at COP27

“The crisis, for certain, is not a crisis of awareness, but of surrendering to the inevitability of inequality. If the only thing that unites us is the threat, then every person or group will move to defend their interests. But if we meet around a hope in a better future, a future where we put an end to all forms of inequality, this global awareness will be transformed into positive energy. Hope here is a necessary action. Our rosy dreams will probably not come to pass. But if we leave ourselves to our nightmares we’ll be killed by fear before the Floods arrive.”

Alaa Abd El-Fattah should be attending COP27, addressing world leaders – not on the edge of death in an Egyptian prison.

11 December 2015

Disappearances in Egypt & Torture by a Good and Faithful Ally

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Joint press statement

On Human Rights Day

 Torture - not an isolated incident


On Human Rights Day, the undersigned organizations condemn increasing 
violations by the Ministry of Interior in a manner that indicates they have been given free reign to abuse citizens using extralegal practices such as torture, enforced disappearance, and other arbitrary measures and systematic infringements of citizens’ fundamental rights and liberties, which have recently led to several deaths in places of detention. 

Some of the undersigned organizations have documented recent cases of torture in police stations, including the Matariya station, the Luxor station, and the Shubra al-Kheima 2 station, some of which ended with the death of the detainee  in a one-month period in October and November 2015. In the month of November alone, the Nadim Center for the Rehabilitation of Victims of Violence and Torture recorded 49 cases of torture, including 9 cases of death in custody. Other organizations have similarly documented cases of death in detention facilities and received complaints of detainees subjected to beating, degrading treatment, or torture in the same time period. The Nadim Center also recorded two additional deaths among 54 cases of torture in the month of September and 4 death in custody cases out of 57 torture cases in August. 

The undersigned organizations fear that the actual number of torture cases that occur far exceeds those documented or reported in the media because victims or their families often chose not to make their case public for fear of reprisal by police officers or because they have lost all trust in the justice system. 

The organizations therefore call for an urgent, independent inquiry into the alarming and growing use of torture against male and female detainees in prisons and police stations. In most of these cases, the perpetrators have not been held to account, while the Interior Ministry has repeatedly denied allegations of torture, often calling such cases “isolated incidents.”

In many of the cases documented by the undersigned organisations, police abuse follows a pattern: often, a person or group of people is arrested pursuant to a report of theft or on suspicion of a minor crime. In most cases, these arrests are conducted in an arbitrary manner that at times involves verbal or physical abuse, after which the suspect is taken to the police station, where he is beaten during questioning. The process may end with the suspect exiting the interrogation room as a corpse or bearing the traces of beating or sexual assault and humiliation, as documented in the following cases, offered as examples, not an exhaustive list: 

        A death in custody case on October 22 in the Matariya police station: the victim, Adel Abd al-Sami, a 22-year-old carpenter, was detained at the station on October 4 on suspicion of stealing a mobile phone. His family said they saw traces of blood on his clothing when, just after his arrest, the police brought him to his home to search it. He was then taken to Matariya police station and detained there the entire time. His family visited him over the following period and said they could see that he had been beaten and tortured and his health deteriorated markedly. Adel’s mother said that in one visit, he was unable to speak due to beatings. On October 24, his family learned that he was taken to the hospital. When they arrived, they were told that he had reached the hospital dead on arrival. He bore traces of burns on his hands and injuries to the head and various parts of his body.

        A death in custody on November 25 in Luxor: a police force stopped Talaat Shabib in the Hawamdiya area of Luxor near a coffee shop to examine his personal identification, during which time an officer verbally assaulted the suspect, cursing and insulting him. When Talaat objected to the insult—saying, “No insults, sir, you’re my son’s age”—a physical altercation ensured and he was taken to the police station. There he was beaten for two hours, after which he died. The prosecution’s investigation in the case, which sparked broad controversy and demonstrations in Luxor, found that police investigators at the station attempted to conceal the fact that Talaat died during interrogation by having him placed in the holding room as a detainee until an ambulance arrived. However, the person in charge of the holding area refused to admit him, saying he was already dead at the time. The preliminary medical report also confirmed 
that the victim reached the hospital already deceased. 
       
 Another incident of torture in the Matariya police station targeted Mohammed Abduh Muawwad, a suspect in case no. 18932/2015/Matariya misdemeanor. One of his relatives said that he was beaten after his feet were bound and kicked in the stomach and chest at the police station, causing bleeding in his mouth and nose. Mohammed’s family filed a complaint about the incident and the prosecution is currently investigating, but the victim has not yet been brought before the medical examiner. His brother has also received anonymous phone threats warning him of dire consequences if he does not withdraw the complaint. 

In a related context, the undersigned organizations also condemn the continued practice of enforced disappearances. Many of us have received complaints and reports of citizens disappearing after their arrest by police, including for example the case of Hani Saad Mohammed Abd al-Sattar, who was arrested by police from the Nasr City 1 police station, along with his boss Hisham Mohammed Ahmed, and others, and taken to an undisclosed location. They have been disappeared since August 10. 

The undersigned organizations emphasize the danger these practices pose to the life of these citizens, particularly considering the numerous stories of the torture of disappeared persons who later appear in detention facilities bearing signs of physical torture and assault. 

We further stress that Egyptian prisons are subject to no genuine oversight and do not permit independent organizations or lawyers to visit them. Nor are they subject to periodic inspection by an independent judicial body, although this right is enshrined in law and the constitution (under Article 55 of the 2014 constitution, Articles 85 and 86 of the prisons law, and Article 27 of the judiciary law, which states that prosecutors and the heads and deputy heads of first-instance and appellate courts have the right to inspect prisons located in their jurisdictions). Moreover, under general directives to prosecution offices, a routine inspection of prisons should occur at least once a month, with reports filed on observed infractions. Nevertheless, there have been no announcement of the investigation of any Prisons Authority officials in connection with repeated reports of abuses in prisons.

At the same time, the state continues to harass and prosecute independent lawyers and judges who advocate the reform of anti-torture legislation. Judges Assem Abd al-Gabbar and Hisham Raouf and attorney Negad al-Borai are currently under investigation after they submitted a draft law to combat torture as part of an experts workshop organized by the United Group, which al-Borai heads, on March 11, 2015. From October 2013 to August 2014 the United Group filed 163 reports of 465 allegations of torture in detention facilities, none of which were addressed by the Public Prosecution in a timely manner. As a result, the United Group submitted several complaints to the Judicial Inspection Directorate to ensure timely investigations. Nevertheless, the sole diligent, timely investigation conducted in this period was into the two judges who helped draft the proposed anti-torture law and al-Borai himself. This suggests that timely investigations only take place when directed at those seeking to improve the Egyptian legislative environment, while torturers remain safe from punishment. Apparently the state, first and foremost the judicial establishment, sees no crime in law-enforcement officials torturing, but instead in filing reports of torture or offering legal remedies to end the crime of torture, which under the constitution is not subject to any statute of limitations.

On Human Rights Day, we reiterate our commitment to justice and affirm
the universal obligation to respect it, which is particularly incumbent on state agencies. In this respect the undersigned organizations recommend the following:

Regarding torture in places of detention:

        Amend the current legislative framework (Article 126 of the Egyptian Penal Code), which limits the definition of torture to an act committed against a suspect with the purpose of forcing him to confess to a charge. This definition ignores other forms of torture included in the UN Convention Against Torture, such as intimidating citizens or taking hostages—who are typically women and children from the suspect’s family—or punishing persons who challenge absolute police authority or demand to see judicial orders or official arrest or search warrants.

        Amend Egyptian law to allow victims of torture to directly sue the 
perpetrators of torture. Currently Egyptian law prohibits this, leaving it to the discretion of the Public Prosecution, which has ignored formal complaints filed by victims to open investigations into their torture. Even in the rare instances that prosecutors have referred officers to trial on torture charges, the Interior Ministry has not suspended the officers from active duty or transferred them pending investigation and trial. On the contrary, the police officers have been allowed to harass their victims, who in some cases were again arrested and subjected to further torture in an attempt to compel them to withdraw their complaints.

        Adopt a law that fully criminalizes torture and imposes stiffer penalties on offenders,in accordance with the Egyptian constitution and Egypt’s international obligations. Although Article 52 of the 2014 constitution states that “torture of all types is a crime not subject to a statute of limitations,” security forces continue to torture prisoners and detainees in ways that recall the practices of the Mubarak regime. 
   
     Immediately investigate allegations of torture and refer offenders to trial; diligently investigate complaints filed with the Public Prosecution against public servants; and refer victims to the medical examiner to document injuries, in a manner consistent with the principles of 
transparency and accountability.

        Form an independent commission to investigate all cases of death and serious injury at the hands of police personnel. The commission should be composed of independent members who are not affiliated with the judicial, executive, or legislative arms of the state. The commission should investigate the legality of the use of force and firearms and be given full investigative powers. It should cooperate with the Public Prosecution if its finds that a criminal investigation is warranted in any incident.
       
 Issue a witness protection law as part of the legal framework to combat 
torture. 
   
     Establish a judicial police force subordinate to the Public Prosecution, independent of the Interior Ministry.
      
 The prosecution should carry out its obligation to conduct periodic, 
surprise inspections of detention facilities, in accordance with the constitution and the Code of Criminal Procedure. This entails giving prosecutors the right to visit general and district prisons and police detention facilities, examine records, and accept complaints from detainees. Such unannounced inspections should take place at least once every month as set forth in Article 1744 in the Book of General Directives 
to Prosecution Offices on Criminal Matters.

  Form an independent commission dedicated to conducting periodic, 
unannounced inspections of detention facilities around the country. The commission should consist of independent members unaffiliated with the judicial or executive authorities with expertise in law, medicine, psychiatry, and other fields. The commission should possess the authority to receive complaints from detainees, review records, and directly offer recommendations to officials in detention facilities and the House of Representatives. 
 
       Equip detention facilities with surveillance cameras and allow them to be regularly reviewed by the district summary court in each jurisdiction.

Regarding enforced disappearance

        Establish a clear definition of enforced disappearance in Egyptian law as 
well as clear mechanisms to ensure redress for victims of this crime. 

        Enforce the law to require the Interior Ministry to immediately investigate any report of a citizen’s disappearance, setting a deadline by which time it must notify the family of the disappeared of the findings of the investigation; establish mechanisms and rules that enable the families of victims to obtain information about the fate of their disappeared family members. 
        Sign the UN Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance and initiate any necessary constitutional and legal amendments in domestic legislation to make it compliant with the convention. An Interior Ministry leader asserted that Egypt has in fact already signed the convention, but this is false. 

        Form an independent commission, while defining its authorities and prerogatives, to include members of the Public Prosecution, the National Committee on Human Rights, rights associations, and representatives of families of the disappeared. The commission should receive reports of cases of enforced disappearance to review them in a timely manner and disclose its findings to the public by a set deadline; if any public official is found to be involved, he shall be immediately subject to accountability.

        Expand the prerogatives and authorities of the National Council on 
Human Rights to allow it to monitor state agencies’ implementation of international human rights conventions and treaties and their respect for human rights principles. The members of the council should be authorized to conduct inspections of prisons, police stations, and detention facilities to assess their compliance with the law and their respect for human rights. 

Signatory organizations
Arab Network for Human Rights Information
Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression
Alhaqanya Center for Law and Legal profession
Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies
Center for Egyptian Women’s Legal Assistance
Egyptian Commission for rights and freedoms
The Egyptian Association for Community Participation Enhancement
The Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights
The Egyptian Center for Economic and Social Rights
Hesham Mobarak Law Center
Masryoon Against Religious Discrimination (MARED)
Nazra for Feminist Studies
National group for human rights and law
United-Group, Attorneys at Law, Legal Researchers and Human Rights Advocates

El-Nadeem Centre for the rehabilitation of victims of violence and torture

Mary Seif

Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights
T/F: +(202) 279-60197 / 279-60158
M:01066686814
A: 14 Fouad Serageddin Street (formerly al Saray al Korbra), 
Garden City,Cairo-Egypt

Videos from Egypt prisons paint bleak picture

Videotaped testimonies of prisoners currently held in Egyptian jails are painting a picture of arbitrary arrest, torture, forced confessions and cramped prison cells.

The videos – recorded on mobile phones, smuggled out of prison and obtained by journalists – were the first to show current detainees giving an account of prison conditions from within their cells.

"They tortured me in ways I can't describe. They started making me memorise confessions, they told me, 'You're going to stand before someone and you have to say what we tell you word for word,'" said one young man who claimed to be a university student.

Al Jazeera is withholding the names of the men who appear in the videos for their own safety.
"They were questioning me about things I have no idea about, and about people I don’t know… They said they would bring my mother here and rape her in front of me. Because of all the torture and the threats they made, I told them I will say whatever you want," said the prisoner.

He said he was beaten whenever he refrained from answering.

Torture in prisons 'impossible'

Approached by Al Jazeera, both the ministries of interior and information refused to comment.
However, Minister of Interior Mohamed Ibrahim has denied claims of torture. Interviewed in a talk show on a privately owned channel on 20 February Ibrahim said, "It's impossible that any form of torture is taking place in Egyptian prisons".

He also affirmed that no one is arrested arbitrarily in Egypt; they were either participants in "non-peaceful protests or possessed weapons".

In one of the leaked accounts, a prisoner describes how he was arrested last November.

"I saw a man dressed in civilian clothing. I asked him, 'What's going on? He asked me to which organisation I belonged. I told him I don’t belong to anyone," he said in this video.

"He then pulled out a baton and beat me. He forced me on my knees, and as I turned my face the other way I saw one student fall to the ground as he get shot in the face with birdshot. His friend who was walking with him had his face covered in blood too, but the police still beat him," the prisoner added.

Al Jazeera was unable to verify the authenticity of the accounts, but they corroborate testimonies of former prisoners who spoke to Al Jazeera about their arrests and dire conditions in Egypt's incarceration centres.

According to Wiki Thawra, an initiative by the Egyptian Centre for Social and Economic Rights to document events in Egypt since the revolution of 25 January 2011, more than 21,317 people were detained or faced arrest by Egyptian security forces between July and December 2013.

As anti-coup protesters, mostly supporters of ousted President Mohamed Morsi and his Muslim Brotherhood, continued to stage daily protests in the capital and elsewhere, the government vowed to get tough with what it saw as threats to national security.

The Muslim Brotherhood was designated a terrorist group on 25 December, and more people were brought to prison. This, along with an anti-protest law that drove liberal opposition members to the streets, has been the pretext for many political prisoners to land in Egypt's more than two-dozen confinement camps, as well as police stations.

A decree issued by interim President Adly Mansour last September said that any suspect charged with crimes carrying the death sentence or life imprisonment can be locked in pre-trial detention indefinitely. This decision, seen by human right groups as punitive detention, has also contributed to the inflation in the number of political prisoners.

According to Wiki Thawra, 4,809 were arrested during the one-year tenure of Morsi. No records were available for any previous years.
Overcrowded cells
In another video, a young prisoner describes how he was convicted.
Taken to the State Security headquarters, he said that he and 16 other prisoners were asked to confess to "which organisation we belong".

After extending their detention for 15 days, "they took us to prison, and there we stood trial. It was a kangaroo court, there was no evidence presented, no witnesses, not even prosecution witnesses were present.

"The judge handed us a verdict of two-and-a-half years. I appealed the verdict, but three months have passed now and I’m being punished for nothing whatsoever," he said.

All prisoners testifying on camera described how cramped their cells are.

"The cell I am in is tiny, despite the large number of inmates that are jailed here. We sleep with our feet over each other," said an older captive.

Political prisoners report that they are being held in the same cells as criminals. "We were put into a holding cell with around 70 or 80 other inmates. It was filled with smoke, we couldn’t breathe any clean air," said one detainee.

"We were inhaling cigarette smoke and hashish and marijuana smoke - drugs that I had never inhaled or even seen before in my life."

"It was a very strange experience because I got to know every single type of drug there is in Egypt," he said.

"Every type of drug that is dealt in Egypt exists inside police cells and under the nose of the Interior Ministry."

See also:

Human rights group says Egyptian authorities tortured and sexually abused 52 youths who "peacefully" demonstrated.