Showing posts with label PYD. Show all posts
Showing posts with label PYD. Show all posts

13 August 2026

Demonstrate Against the Use of ‘Terrorism’ Charges to Silence Me. Kingston Crown Court, 9 am Tuesday August 18

Opposition to Genocide is not Terrorism – It is the IDF not Hamas That Should Be Proscribed


Defend Tony Greenstein Webinar 11 August 2026 

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The webinar on Tuesday evening, which nearly 300 people attended, was one of the most amazing that I’ve ever organised or spoken at. It expressed our determination that false allegations of ‘Terrorism’ will not deter us.

A range of speakers spoke in my support. I am on trial next week under the s.12(1) of the Terrorism Act 2000 accused of ‘inviting support’ for Hamas. As I have repeatedly made clear, I don’t support Hamas politically but I do support the right of the Palestinians to resist the Israeli state.

Speakers included Ali Abunimah, Editor of the Electronic Intifada; Annette Norman, mother of Filton 25 defendant Maddy Norman; Lubna Speitan who is proposing the Zionism is Racism motion at Green Party Conference; Ghada Karmi, author, academic and child survivor of the Nakba; Ronnie Kasrls, a former commander of the ANC’s military wing Umkonte we Sizwe in the struggle against South African apartheid and Intelligence Minister in Nelson Mandela’s first government and Huda Ammori, co-founder of Palestine Action and Tony Greenstein.

The Terrorism Act is being used against activists in the Palestine solidarity movement not terrorists. The British Judiciary has thrown off its mask as it sentences defendants for terrorism whilst keeping juries ignorant of the fact that convicting someone for criminal damage will mean that are sentenced as terrorists.

InJustice Jeremy Johnson, furious at the acquittal of the first 6 of the Filton 25 defendants on the most serious charges, filed Contempt of Court charges against Rajiv Mennon KC for informing the Jury of their right to decide a case on the basis of their own conscience and convictions. It’s called Jury Nullification or Equity. A historic legal power going back to the Bushell’s Case in 1670. It’s even on a plaque on the wall of the Old Bailey.

The case against Rajiv  Menon KC is the first time in British legal history that a barrister is being accused of contempt of court for having defended his own clients.

I have gone back to the original debate on the Terrorism Act in December 1999 to see how the government represented the legislation at the time.

The government, in the form of Jack Straw, lied to the House of Commons repeatedly. Terrorism was redefined in the Act to include ‘serious’ damage to property.

For most people, terrorism is about violence and terror directed at a civilian population not attacks on factories of death run by Israel’s Elbit Systems.

3 dictionary definitions of Terrorism don’t mention anything about property. The Cambridge Dictionary says that terrorism is ‘violent action or threats designed to cause fear among ordinary people, in order to achieve political aims.’

The Miriam Webster definition of terrorism is ‘the systematic use of terror especially as a means of coercion’ and the

Oxford Reference Definition is ‘The calculated use of violence or threat of violence to inculcate fear.

What Chamberlain J called the ‘colloquial’ definition of Terrorism bears no relationship to s.1 of the Terrorism Act.

“An action done for the purposes set out in s. 1(1)(b) and (c) constitutes terrorism if it involves serious damage to property even if it does not involve violence against any person or endanger life or create a risk to health or safety… [T]his definition of ‘terrorism’ makes the statutory concept wider than the colloquial meaning of the word.”

What Blair & Straw were really saying is that Black = White. It is a combination of both Newspeak and Doublethink. Terrorism is not violence against property but violence against people. Violence, by its very nature, is directed at living creatures not inanimate objects.

The official WHO definition of violence restricts the term to the intentional use of physical force or power against oneself, another person, or a group.

Former Defence & Foreign Minister of Israel, Avigdor Liberman accused Netanyahu of Supporting ISIS Gangs Against Hamas

Jack Straw’s original target in 1999 was the animal liberation movement not Palestine solidarity. He said:

There are people who claim to be in favour of so-called animal liberation who have engaged in actions that not only caused risks but resulted in the most serious violence to individuals, and have put people under threat of their lives. Such circumstances may well fall within the ambit of clause 1

In the parliamentary debate Conservative MP Douglas Hogg presciently warned that

By extending the definition of terrorism, we put at risk our long tradition of giving sanctuary to people who are fighting oppressive regimes abroad. I do not want protesters to be classified as terrorists.

Alan Simpson explained that that many MPs were involved in international campaigns, such as those involving the action of Kurds in resisting being driven from their lands by the building of the Ilusu dam, the resistance of the Ogoni in Nigeria to the theft & pollution of their lands & the resistance of the Amazon Indians to the destruction of the rain forests

Straw lied when reassuring Simpson:

people supporting one or another of the international causes he cites will not even remotely come under the Bill.... However, to think that the Bill will restrict the right of peaceful protest, demonstration and campaigning is wholly erroneous.

Simon Hughes of the Lib Dems made a similar point.

...the Bill's definition sweeps in not only people who attack property for an environmental objective or for objectives connected with other general issues such as animal rights, but people who support organisations outside Governments in countries that are not democratic. All those people would now be included in the definition. 

Jeremy Corbyn pointed out that

Calling your opponents ‘terrorists’ is a familiar tactic of repressive states and it was something that New |Labour was about to introduce in this country.

Jack Straw said that ‘an organisation becomes a candidate for proscription only if it is concerned in terrorism’ which begged the question as to what terrorism was.

David Anderson QC, the Independent Reviewer of Terrorism Legislation in his 2012 Report wrote that:

the current law allows members of any nationalist or separatist group to be turned into terrorists by virtue of their participation in a lawful armed conflict, however great the provocation and however odious the regime which they have attacked.

Straw admitted that ‘The power of proscription is of course an extreme power’ yet it is left to the absolute discretion of the Home Secretary, subject only to a cursory debate in Parliament as to who is proscribed. He lied when he said that

if the Secretary of State decides to proscribe an organisation, a judicial commission known as the Proscribed Organisations Appeal Commission (POAC) will make the final decision about any proscription.

It is the Home Secretary who makes the final decision. POAC is only relevant if there is an appeal against proscription and it has never made such a decision. It also deals with process not the merits of the decision.

Douglas Hogg pointed out that Kurdish representatives had asked the previous government for support in their campaign against Saddam Hussein and ‘On the face of it, that falls within the scope of action capable of constituting terrorism’..’ He went on to point out that a decision not to prosecute was left in the hands of the Attorney General.

I understand the right hon. Gentleman to be saying not that I am wrong, but that no one would be prosecuted for encouraging the Kurds to take such action, because of the discretionary power of the prosecution authority. That, however, is a profoundly unattractive situation.

In response Straw accused Hogg of having a ‘fevered imagination’. Well the fever has come to pass because the Kurdish Workers Party, the sister party of the Democratic Union Party in Syria, has been proscribed. Why? Because the dictator of Turkey, Recip Erdogan, is our friend. Whereas the PYD fought against ISIS with the Americans.

Alan Simpson asked ‘Who will define serious violence against the person (and)... against property? given the Judiciary’s long history of a much more limited and destructive set of interpretations subsequently being placed on words used in legislation’. He asked

Who will then say when an act of terrorism falls outside the scope of existing criminal law, in relation to the advancement of a political, religious or ideological cause?

Douglas Hogg pointed out that

The definition of terrorism goes far beyond the traditional definition. Historically and in previous enactments, we have essentially directed our attention to campaigns against the state,... the Bill includes attacks on the corporate estate, which is an extraordinary departure in our concept of terrorism.’

Hogg raised the prospect of direct action groups like Greenpeace and Friends of the Earth being targeted:

I strongly disapprove of all those characters, ... However, if I ask myself whether they should be treated as terrorists, I am bound to say, no way.

One of the most detestable creatures in the Blair government Charles Clarke told the Commons that

We are considering which international groups it might be appropriate to add, taking into account such factors as the nature and scale of the group's activities, the specific threat that they pose to UK and British nationals abroad, the extent of their presence in the UK, and the need to support other members of the international community in the global fight against terrorism. However, I emphasise that proscription is a heavy power; it will be used only when absolutely necessary.

This too was a lie. Hamas was proscribed in 2001 yet it had no connection whatever with the UK. But judges too aren’t above lying.

When the Court of Appeal ruled on 15 June 2026 that Palestine Action’s proscription was lawful, they contrasted them with the Suffragettes. Liar-in-Chief  ‘Lady’ Justice Carr quoted Lord Hoffman approvingly on how:

People who break the law to affirm their belief in the injustice of a law or government action are sometimes vindicated by history. The suffragettes are an example which comes immediately to mind. It is a mark of a civilised community that it can accommodate protests and demonstrations of this kind. But there are conventions which are generally accepted by the law-breakers on one side and the law-enforcers on the other. The protesters behave with a sense of proportion and do not cause excessive damage or inconvenience. And they vouch the sincerity of their beliefs by accepting the penalties imposed by the law. The police and prosecutors, on the other hand, behave with restraint and the magistrates impose sentences which take the conscientious motives of the protesters into account.

This was utter rubbish as often happens when judges quote each other. The level of repression directed against the Suffragettes was enormous and their activities were anything but restrained. The Police attacks on them were brutal. Carr said that:

Palestine Action characterises itself as a non-violent “direct action protest group” which follows in the footsteps of the suffragettes, and the campaigns against apartheid and the Iraq war.

It was not accurate for Ms Ammori to paint Palestine Action as an “ordinary protest group engaged in activities that fall within the well-established tradition of peaceful protest”.  

Palestine Action’s activities are planned and undertaken secretly with the objective of avoiding detection ... 

Secondly, the members of Palestine Action do not vouch their sincerity by accepting the penalties imposed by the law. Thirdly, on a fair analysis, Palestine Action has little or nothing in common with the suffragettes or the anti-apartheid or Iran War protest groups.   

The whole premise of Palestine Action is to cause damage to property belonging to Elbit and other companies trading lawfully in the United Kingdom. (my emphasis)

It is, nonetheless, a fundamental mistake to overlook the fact that Palestine Action overtly promotes unlawful violence amounting to terrorism. It is not, as it claims, a direct action civil disobedience protest group like the suffragettes operating transparently in the open. It is a covert organisation that operates using secret cells to avoid the detection and prosecution of those using violence to destroy the property of third parties. Palestine Action’s activities have caused injury as well as property damage.

Palestine Action was therefore a violent terrorist organisation, operating covertly unlike the genteel folk of the Suffragettes.

Yet the true record of the suffragettes was anything but peaceful. From 1912-14, they openly embarked on a terror campaign, bombing and burning their way across the country. Unsurprisingly the Suffragettes didn’t plan their arson or bombing campaigns in open meetings.

Simon Webb, the Author of The Suffragette Bombers: Britain’s Forgotten Terrorists wrote in a letter to the Guardian that:

Mary Leigh (who) acting with others, poured petrol over the carpets of a crowded theatre, set fire to it and then detonated a bomb. She and the others were later charged with “causing an explosion of a nature likely to endanger life”.... The women were not charged with terrorism as such, because no such offence existed at that time. The bomb explosions in places such as Westminster Abbey could hardly be called anything other than terrorism ... the first terrorist bomb explosion in 20th century Ireland, at Lisburn’s Christ Church Cathedral in August 1914, (it) was the work not of the IRA, but the suffragettes.

Below are just a few examples of the peaceful, ‘transparent’ Suffragettes that Liar Lady Justice Carr referred to:

Attacks on Racecourses and Sports Pavilions

·         Ayr Racecourse (1913): The grandstand at this Scottish racecourse was completely burned to the ground in a dead-of-night arson attack. [1]

    Kelso Racecourse: Suffragettes attempted to burn down the grandstand to disrupt racing events. [1

    Wimbledon Tennis Club (1913): An arson attempt was made to burn down the main tennis club house. [1] Golf Course Sabotage: Activists poured acid onto greens—notably those frequented by Members of Parliament—to burn "Votes for Women" into the turf. [1, 2]  

    In 1913 the grandstand of the Manor Ground football stadium in Plumstead was also burned down, costing £1,000 in damages.[36  

    On 11 April 2012, the cricket pavilion at the Nevill Ground in Royal Tunbridge Wells was destroyed in a suffragette arson attack.[48  

    Hurst Park Racecourse grandstand and royal boxes were completely destroyed by fire on June 9, 1913. Suffragettes Kitty Marion and Clara Elizabeth Giveen carried out the attack

Bombings and High-Profile Arson

The campaign saw the widespread deployment of improvised explosive devices (IEDs) and petrol-fueled fires. [1, 2]

·      David Lloyd George’s House (1913): A bomb exploded at a house under construction for the Chancellor of the Exchequer in Walton-on-the-Hill.  

    Theatre Royal, Dublin (1912): Suffragettes deployed several bombs and used petrol to set fire to the theatre during a live performance attended by Prime Minister H.H. Asquith.  

    Westminster Abbey (1914): A bomb was detonated inside the historic abbey, damaging the Coronation Chair.  

    Kew Gardens Tea Pavilion (1913): The famous tea pavilion was entirely destroyed by arson. Weeks prior, suffragettes smashed orchid houses and destroyed rare plants.  

    The Home Office (1912): A powerful bomb was discovered and safely defused in Home Secretary Reginald McKenna's office.  

    Holloway Prison: A bomb was detonated outside the walls of the facility holding imprisoned suffragettes.  

    Bombs exploded at Edinburgh's Royal Observatory, Rosslyn Chapel, St. Paul's Cathedral, train stations (like Oxted and Westbourne Park), and various public infrastructure sites

Assaults, Vandalism, and Infrastructure Sabotage

    Assassination Attempt on the Prime Minister: In July 1912, a suffragette threw a hatchet at Prime Minister Asquith's carriage. It missed him but struck and injured Irish nationalist MP John Redmond. [1, 2, 3, 4

    Nationwide Postal Sabotage (1912–1914): Suffragettes launched a systemic campaign targeting public pillar boxes. They poured ink, corrosive acids, and liquid phosphorus into postboxes to destroy mail, occasionally leaving postal workers and police officers with chemical burns. [1, 2, 3]

    Art Destruction (1914): Activist Mary Richardson entered the National Gallery and used a meat cleaver to slash Diego Velázquez’s famous painting, the "Rokeby Venus," protesting the re-arrest of Emmeline Pankhurst. [1, 2, 3]

    Mass Window Smashing (1912): Hundreds of women concealed hammers in their bags and simultaneously smashed the windows of commercial shops and government buildings across London's West End.

In their attempts to destroy the direction action movement, Judges lie. The Terrorism Act 2000 is built on a series of lies. Lying is an integral part of the system we live in. When Burnham and Starmer say there is no Genocide in Gaza they lie. When the Court of Appeal says that making quadcopters to murder civilians is a ‘lawful business’ they lie. And if the law says child murder is lawful then it is not a law that should be given the time of the day.

Zoom has produced a summary which can be found here!

Tony Greenstein 

14 October 2019

The Bloody Betrayal of the Kurds by Trump and the United States is Nothing New


Background to the Kurdish Struggle and the American Betrayal in 1963

The betrayal of the Kurds of Syria by Donald Trump and the United States is only the latest such betrayal. After having provided the foot soldiers in the fight against ISIS, losing 11,000 fighters in the process, Donald Trump has unceremoniously betrayed them to the Turkish dictator Recep Erdogan, whose forces have been fighting an undeclared war in Turkish Kurdistan since the breakdown of a ceasefire in July 2015. In essence there have been a continuing series of wars against the Kurds of Turkey since 1978.
The destruction of Cizre in Turkish Kurdistan is similar to Israel's destruction in Gaza
Turkish armed forces, which we should not forget are an integral part of NATO, have laid waste to substantial parts of the main Kurdish cities of Diyarbakır, Şırnak, Mardin, Cizre, Nusaybin, and Yüksekova. See Blood on ErdoÄŸan’s hands and Palestinian solidarity cannot ignore the oppression of the Kurds in Turkey
In 1975 the Algiers Agreement between the Shah of Iran and the Iraqi Baathists was the latest betrayal when the Iranian state, at the behest of the United States agreed to withdraw support for the Kurdish fight against the Iraqi state.
During the Iran-Iraq war a genocidal war was waged by Saddam Hussein against Iraqi Kurdistan. Hundreds of villages were destroyed in Operation Al-Anfil. The most infamous attack was that on Halabja when some 5,000 Kurds were murdered with mustard gas and nerve agents after the town fell to the Iranian army.
Kurdish women in the Peoples Fighting Units are unique in the Middle East
At the time the West poured scorn on the suggestion that the massacre had taken place because the West supported Iraq against Iran. Indeed the West had supplied these chemical weapons, which were the later pretext for the invasion of Iraq in 2003, to the Batthist regime.
It would appear that the PYD and SDF have reached an agreement with Syria’s Assad regime which will allow Syrian troops enter Kurdistan in order to prevent the Turkish invasion. It is a bitter pill to swallow. The Kurds go from the frying pan into the fire given the bloody record of Assad.
Below is an article by Jabra Nicol in Matzpen, the magazine of the Socialist Organisation in Israel on the background to the fighting with the Iraqi army commanded by the Baathists.

Why the Kurds Should Be Supported ‒ by A. Sa’id (Jabra Nicola)

October 10, 1963
[This is a translation of an article that was published in Hebrew in Matzpen no. 11, October 1963]
The bloodshed in Iraqi Kurdistan is still ongoing; the bloody and terrorist regime of the Ba’ath party has mobilised two-thirds of the Iraqi army – three out of five divisions – with half of its armoured force, along with heavy artillery and jet aircraft, in its dirty war against the Kurdish people fighting for its freedom.
Turkey's Destruction in Cizre matches Israel's in Gaza
This dirty war began back at the time of Qassem’s rule in 1961.
The Kurdish people is one of the most ancient peoples in western Asia. For more than 5,000 years, it has inhabited a territory known as Kurdistan, at present divided between Turkey, Persia, Iraq, Soviet Armenia and Syria. As early as 1639, Kurdistan was partitioned between the Ottoman Empire and Persia; and after World War I, it was re-partitioned by the imperialists. At present there are two million Kurds in Iraqi Kurdistan, two million in Iran, another two million in Turkey, more than half a million in Syria and close to 15,000 in the Soviet Union.
These partitions, as well as other intrigues of imperialism in westernern Asia, delayed the national development of the Kurdish people and prevented its independence. The Kurdish people’s struggle for independence and national unification – the unification of Kurdistan – began at the end of the last [19th] century and culminated after the First World War. Since the beginning of the present [20th] century, the Kurdish people has risen about ten times against its enslavers. In 1919, it rose up under the leadership of Sheikh Mahmoud; and after a long struggle, English imperialism managed to suppress this uprising in blood and fire. Under the pressure of the Kurdish people’s struggle, British imperialism was forced in 1922 to recognise the right of Kurdish people, and with the consent of the Iraqi government at that time, an independent Kurdish government was established, whose capital was Al Suleimania. But soon Great Britain reneged on its obligations, reconquered the Kurdish territory and overthrew the young state.
In 1929, the Kurdish people rose again, and then once more in 1931. This latter uprising continued until 1942, and in 1943 the Kurds again rose up in Iraq, led by Mullah Mustafa al-Barzani, but the uprising failed and Barzani had to flee with a large number of his supporters and members of his tribe to Iranian Kurdistan. There they took part in a new uprising, leading to the declaration of an independent Kurdish republic. But the Iranian government soon managed to suppress the uprising and put an end to the Kurdish Republic. Again Barzani had to flee with members of his tribe. The United States having refused to grant him asylum, he waged fierce battles with the Turkish, Iranian and Iraqi armies and succeeded to break through the encirclement and reach the Soviet Union. Of the two thousand fighters, only 650 arrived in the Soviet Union, where they remained until the July 14 [1958] revolution in Iraq.
This revolution in Iraq promised the Kurdish people equal rights. The Provisional Constitution promulgated following the revolution stated that the Iraqi Republic was “a partnership between the Arabs and the Kurds”. The freedom fighters led by Mustafa Barzani, exiled in the Soviet Union, returned to Iraq, and the Kurdish people showed willingness to assist in building the new regime. 
Jihadist fighters from the so-called Syrian National Army fight alongside the Turkish army
When Qassem turned to the right, breaking with the forces of the Iraqi left, he also broke with the Kurds and pursued a policy of brutal national repression against the Kurdish people. From late 1960, the Iraqi government began supporting the landlords and the rest of the Kurdish reactionary forces in their war against the Kurdish peasants and progressive forces. Moreover, the government encouraged the reactionary press in Baghdad to raise the chauvinist slogan of Kurdish assimilation. Even the word “Kurdistan” was banned and the territory was called “Northern Iraq”. The Kurdish people have been denied the right to study in their national language and to elect their representatives to local and central government institutions.
The Kurdish masses are victims of poverty, exploitation, ignorance and disease; they are discriminated against in all areas of life: political, economic and cultural. Iraqi Kurdistan has only one primary school for every 3,500 residents and a high school for every 57,000. There are only 685 books in the Kurdish language in all Iraqi public libraries.
When the Kurdish people were forced to revolt against this oppression, the Qassem government sent the army against them, in the name of “the rule of law and order”. 
The Iraqi Communist Party, instead of raising the slogan of self-determination for the Kurdish people, supported the Kurdish people’s rights in very general and vague terms, but on the other hand regarded the slogan of separation and the establishment of an independent Kurdish state as an “imperialist plot”. In March 1962, an article appeared on the events in Iraqi Kurdistan in The Problems of Peace and Socialism – the journal of the World Communist Movement – stating:
 “The agents of CENTO [the pro-westernern Baghdad Pact] and oil companies have taken advantage of the situation and, relying on British forces in Kuwait, have fomented an armed rebellion against the Iraqi state under the slogans of ‘Defense of Barzani’ and the establishment of a ‘Kurdish State’. They want to carry out the old plan of isolating the northern regions and annexing them to Iran (that is, to CENTO) and, as the Communist Party has rightly argued, this activity, which is part of the general imperialist policy in the Middle East, has created a serious and dangerous situation in Iraq.”
Thus, instead of supporting the Kurdish uprising, the Iraqi Communist Party contented itself with “calling on the Qassem government to resolve the crisis in northern Iraq peacefully” and “in a way that will strengthen the unity of the Iraqi people against the intrigue of imperialism and reaction.” 
This opportunistic position of the Iraqi Communist Party was an integral part of its general policy, which was based on support for the Qassem’s regime and resolute opposition to Arab national unification. Accordingly, it saw the Kurdish uprising on the one hand as weakening Qassem’s rule, and on the other hand it viewed the separation of Kurdistan as weakening the Iraqi republic and pushing Iraq into Arab unification, because it would be very difficult for Iraq to remain economically and politically independent if it only kept the Arab part of its territory.
Due to this opportunistic policy, we are witnessing the current tragic situation in the anti-imperialist liberation movement in western Asia, a clash between two anti-imperialist nationalist movements – the Arab and Kurdish movements, both of which are integral to the general revolution of the colonial peoples.
Recognising the right to self-determination of the Kurdish people and establishing an independent Kurdish state would not in any way be detrimental to the Arab liberation movement; on the contrary, it would help this movement as well as the [anti]colonial revolution in general. Indeed, an independent Kurdish state in Iraqi Kurdistan could become a centre and lever for the entire Kurdish national movement in Iran and Turkey, both of which are members of CENTO; And this would be an immense revolutionary force against the main imperialist base in western Asia. On the other hand, it would help Arab national unification, which is at present one of the major problems of the Arab national liberation movement.
With the change in the political situation in Iraq following the Ba’athist coup, the Iraqi Communist Party does now support the Kurdish uprising and many of the communist Arab officers actively participate in battles together with the Kurds; but it still does not raise the slogan “right of self-determination up to separation” for the Kurdish people. And the Soviet Union supports in its press and speeches the Kurdish uprising, but on the other hand Soviet aid is still flowing to the Iraqi government and Aref ’s armies are fighting against the Kurdish people using Soviet weapons.
The Kurdish national liberation movement, like any other national liberation movement, is not without internal class contradictions, reflected in different political and ideological currents. The danger for the Arab national liberation movement and the colonial revolution in general does not, therefore, lie in secession of Iraqi Kurdistan and establishment of an independent Kurdish state, but in the strengthening of feudal and bourgeois forces in the Kurdish movement, which tend by their very class nature to link with imperialism. On the other hand, increasing the power of the masses and proletarian hegemony within the Kurdish liberation movement could be a major influence on the national and social liberation movement within Iraq as a whole. 
Here in Israel there has recently begun to be heard from various circles a voice of support and identification with the Kurdish people’s struggle in Iraq, but the rationale for this support is questionable and dangerous. Those circles, notwithstanding their political differences on other topics, view the Kurdish people’s struggle as an anti-Arab factor that weakens the Arabs and they use it as a pretext for fostering anti-Arab chauvinist sentiment and intensifying anti-Arab propaganda. Even circles purporting to be against the existing regime in Israel and for cooperation between the peoples of the region, such as [Uri Avnery’s] Ha’olam Hazeh, call for support for the Kurdish rebellion because it “opens a second front against our enemies” (the Arabs). They see the Kurdish movement as ally, being a non-Arab counterweight “within the region, most of whose inhabitants are Arabs”.
We too side with the Kurdish uprising in Iraq and call for supporting it, but for entirely different reasons. We see no contradiction between the Arab and Kurdish national and social liberation movements, but on the contrary: we see both as mutually complementary, and both as an integral part of the colonial revolution. The Kurdish uprising in Iraq is not a rebellion against the Arab masses, who are also fighting for their freedom, but is directed against the forces that oppress the Arab and Kurds alike. Every success of the Kurdish people in its current struggle is, at the same time, a success of the forces fighting against the bloody and terrorist regime that rules Iraq today. Support for the Kurdish uprising cannot be founded on the current Israeli policy – of cooperation with imperialism against the liberation movement of the colonial peoples – but on cooperation with the colonial movement as a whole against imperialism. If we have to look for allies in the region, we cannot find an ally in one liberation movement against another. The true allies of the Israeli masses are all the liberation movements in the region, the entire colonial anti-imperialist movement.
The Kurdish liberation movement, the uprising of the Kurdish people, was a major factor in overthrowing the regime of Nuri al-Sa’id, followed by that of Qassem. The current Kurdish rebellion will also be one of the most important factors in overthrowing Aref’s bloody regime. But the Kurdish liberation movement on its own cannot do so, and cannot bring liberation to the Kurdish people without close cooperation with all the anti-imperialist forces fighting against the current regime in Iraq.