Showing posts with label Mohammed Tamimi. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Mohammed Tamimi. Show all posts

6 August 2021

Terror in Palestine as Israel’s Military Death Squads Join the Settlers in Killing Palestinians

 “If the soldiers had shot a dog... it would have attracted more attention. But a dead Palestinian child?... Why should it interest anyone, why is it important?” Gideon Levy





Al-Harika, central Hebron: Settlers throw stones at Palestinian passersby and homes in presence of soldiers, who raid home and harrass inhabitants on pretext that one threw stones

The news has been dominated by the defection of a Belorussian athlete and the Olympic games. The terror campaign being waged by the Israeli military and settlers against the Palestinians isn’t considered fit to grace the screens of the BBC or the press. 

To gain the attention of the BBC or ITN we would need the Palestinians in Gaza to fire a few firecrackers into Israel and see the Israelis disappear into their bomb shelters.  Palestinian deaths are not news because politically they are not White (and don't have bomb shelters).

That is why I am highlighting just a few of the many terrorist attacks by Israel on an unarmed civilian population.

The incidents speak for themselves and require no commentary. However to vile creatures like Keir Starmer, who is gracing the dining tables of Israeli Embassy front group, Labour Friends of Israel, in November, what matters is non-existent anti-Semitism.

Tony Greenstein

The Media Yawns at the Israeli Army's Death Squads

Gideon Levy, Haaretz

Israeli terror is at it again. The Israel Defense Forces’ death squads chalked up another successful week: four bodies of innocent Palestinians piled up between the two Fridays. There doesn’t seem to be a connection between the four incidents in which four sons were killed, but the link cannot be broken.

In all these cases, soldiers chose shooting to kill as the preferred option. In all four cases another way could have been chosen: Arrest them, aim for the legs, don’t do anything or simply don’t be there at all. But the soldiers chose to kill. It’s probably easier for them that way.

They come from different branches of the army with different backgrounds, but they share the incredible ease with which they kill, whether they have to or not.

They kill because they can. They kill because they’re convinced that this is how they’re expected to act. They kill because they know that nothing is cheaper than the life of a Palestinian. They kill because they know that the Israeli media will yawn and not report a thing. They kill because they know that no harm will come to them, so why not? Why not kill a Palestinian when possible?

They killed a 12-year-old boy and a 41-year-old plumber. They killed a 17-year-old youth and a 20-year-old young man attending a funeral, all in one week. An Israeli slogan during the 1948 war went “To arms, every good man,” leading later to the concept of the IDF’s “purity of arms.” Four in one week, for no reason, with no hesitation, with no terrorist facing them. Four executions of young men with dreams, families, plans and loves.

None of the four endangered the soldiers, certainly not in a way that justified lethal fire. Thirteen bullets at a car driving by innocently, carrying a father and his three small children. Shooting a plumber holding a wrench and claiming that he was “moving rapidly toward the soldiers.” Three bullets at the stomach of a 17-year-old who was on his way to take his brother home.

All this can be called terror; there is no other definition. All this can be called the actions of death squads; there is no other description. It sounds horrible, but it really is horrific.

It could be less horrific if the Israeli media bothered to report on it, possibly shocking Israelis. It could be much less horrific if IDF commanders took the necessary steps given their army’s murderous recklessness. But most of the media believed that the killing of a child interests no one or is unimportant, or both, so this shocking incident wasn’t reported on.

If the soldiers had shot a dog – also a shocking act, of course – it would have attracted more attention. But a dead Palestinian child? What happened? Why should it interest anyone, why is it important?

Are you working for the Arabs?” journalist Yinon Magal maliciously tweeted, addressing Haaretz’s Hagar Shezaf, virtually the only journalist who covered the boy’s funeral. This is the new journalistic ethos: Reporting the truth is tantamount to working for the Arabs.

Let’s leave aside the media of trivia and nonsense that was busy to the hilt with the modeling agent suspected of sexual misconduct and with lists of pedophiles – what does the media have to do with the killing of children? The question is: Where are the military commanders and the political leaders?

Their disgraceful silence leads to only one conclusion: They believe that this killing is acceptable. It’s exactly what they expect of soldiers: the killing of innocents. There is no other way to explain everyone’s silence without even a semblance of condemnation.

If the killers of the boy Mohammed al-Alami are still not in custody, then the IDF under Chief of Staff Aviv Kochavi – a person known to speak in lofty terms about values – is saying that the soldiers acted correctly. If the paratroopers who killed Mohammed Tamimi by firing three bullets into his body from their armored jeep are still walking around freely in the West Bank, this means the army salutes them.

And if the IDF salutes them, we really are talking about death squads, just like in the most dreadful regimes.

Mohammed Was Looking for His Little Brother When Israeli Soldiers Shot Him Dead at Close Range

The door of an Israeli army jeep that had entered the West Bank village of Nabi Saleh for no apparent reason suddenly opened and a soldier shot 17-year-old Mohammed Tamimi, while his cousin looked on in shock

Jul. 30, 2021 10:47 AM

Mahmoud Tamimi climbs the trunk of the dead olive tree in the yard of his house, and hoists the flag of Palestine. He’s a boy of 13 who last Friday lost his older brother, 17-year-old Mohammed, who was shot to death by Israel Defense Forces soldiers while he was on his way to fetch Mahmoud. Their younger brother, Mustafa, is named for another Mustafa Tamimi, their cousin, who was killed by soldiers in 2011.

Mohammed Munir Tamimi was the fifth person killed in recent years in the village of Nabi Saleh, not far from Ramallah in the West Bank....

Of all the killings in Nabi Saleh, the death of Mohammed is perhaps the most criminal of all. The soldiers had no apparent reason to enter the village a week ago, when it was quiet – and even less of one to open the armoured door of their jeep, shoot the youth in the stomach from close range and then close the door. And if that wasn’t enough, soldiers who were walking behind the vehicle fired more bullets at the wounded teen who was trying to flee for his life into an adjacent house, but collapsed, bleeding, on the way to its entrance.

Nabi Saleh called off its regular Friday anti-occupation demonstrations in 2016, after six years, when the IDF started to use snipers and live ammunition against the unarmed inhabitants. But more people have been killed there since the demonstrations ended than during the period when they were taking place.

On Friday the first rumor that spread was that it was Mohammed, the brother of Ahed Tamimi, the young activist-heroine of the Palestinians’ popular struggle, who had been killed. There are dozens and perhaps hundreds of people named Mohammed (or Mohammad or Muhammad) Tamimi. The teen who was shot was not Ahed’s brother, but her cousin. Ahed’s brother was with him when he was killed; the two youths were close.

Ahed’s father, Bassem Tamimi, one of the leaders of the struggle in Nabi Saleh, joined us during our visit to the events hall where the grieving family was receiving condolences in Deir Nidham. The bereaved father, Munir, speaks fluent Hebrew, having worked for decades in Israel and in the settlements. For 30 years, he’s worked as a home renovator and air-conditioner technician in the settlement of Beit Aryeh. He has many friends there who wanted to pay their condolences, he tells us, but he suggested that they refrain from visiting during the tense grieving period in the village.

Munir Tamimi, Mohammed's father. Credit: Alex Levac

They are friends-brothers who wanted to come, but I want to make sure that no one will be hurt,” he says.

Bassem Tamimi relates that a jeep arrived in Nabi Saleh around 4:30 P.M. and stopped at the gas station at the village’s entrance before proceeding. It was quiet at the time. During the years of the demonstrations, the IDF arrested about 400 locals, most of them adolescents and children, and including 16 women, out of a total local population of about 600. When the jeep drove in this time, youngsters began throwing stones at it. The soldiers fired tear-gas canisters, and a cloud of gas covered the village – a familiar experience. But Mahmoud, the younger brother of the deceased, recently recovered from cancer of the eye, and his mother, worried that the gas would endanger the recovering eye, sent Mohammed to the home of relatives where Mahmoud had been told to go, in order to bring him home. Their father was installing an air conditioner in the neighboring village of Deir Abu Mash’al at the time.

The home of the Tamimi family in Nabi Saleh, this week. More people have been killed since the protests ended there in 2016 than during the six years when they took place.Credit: Alex Levac

Munir, 52, has four remaining children. He’s a solidly built man, suited to his livelihood. He met his wife, Baraa, 40, in Jordan. Her family immigrated long ago to the United States, and she too has American citizenship. During the first 13 years of their marriage, Israel did not allow her to enter the West Bank, and the family was divided between Zarqa in Jordan and Nabi Saleh. Munir’s work is in the West Bank but his wife was not permitted to go there. He divided his life between here and there, crossing into Jordan every two or three months to see his family and then going back.

Friday, July 23, Mohammed got up around 8:30 A.M. and went to work in the family’s olive grove ahead of the fall harvest. In the afternoon, as tear gas spread through the village, his worried mother sent him to find his younger brother Mahmoud and try to bring him home. According to his father, Mohammed didn’t do anything to provoke the soldiers. The IDF jeep stopped near him, its door opened and the one shot fired from it hit Mohammed. He doubled over in pain and tried with his remaining strength to flee, but then four soldiers on foot felled him with two more bullets.

The physicians who treated him later told his father that one of the three bullets exploded in the teenager’s stomach and did not leave a single internal organ intact. Everything is torn apart inside, they told him. The cousin Mohammed, Bassem’s shocked son, told his father that he “saw the rice spill out of Mohammed’s stomach.” According to Munir, who saw his son’s body in the small hospital in Salfit, one bullet struck him in his right hip, another entered via the back and exited through the stomach – or vice versa – and the deadliest bullet of all slammed into his buttocks and hurtled upward throughout his body, wreaking havoc.

Three videos were shot by three local eyewitnesses. In one clip, the armored door of the IDF vehicle is seen opening for a split second and the soldier next to the driver fires a shot and shuts the door; another soldier then opens the back door and closes it immediately. In the second clip, the jeep is seen in the street, being pelted by villagers with plastic chairs and rocks, without doing any damage. The third clip shows the bloodstains and people evacuating Mohammed from the path leading to a nearby house. It’s not clear what preceded what, but it’s even less clear what the jeep was doing there and why it stopped so provocatively in the middle of the village. The red-and-white flag of the Paratroops Brigade flaps in the wind above the fortified tower that looms over the entrance to the village, a sign that the soldiers who shot Mohammed also wore the telltale red berets.

Graffiti on a wall in Nabi Saleh depicts Mohammed Tamimi.Credit: Alex Levac

Haaretz asked the IDF Spokesperson’s Unit why the army vehicle entered the village in the first place and why Mohammed Tamimi was shot. Why with live ammunition? And why with three bullets to the gut? The reply:

“Following the incident in question, an investigation has been opened by the Criminal Investigations Department of the Military Police, after which the findings will be transferred for examination to the office of the military prosecution.”

Mohammed was apparently still semi-conscious when the neighbors rushed him in a small shared taxi to the hospital in Salfit; he mumbled that his stomach hurt. He died on the operating table. By the time his stunned father reached the hospital, it was too late.

When we visited this week, his brother Mahmoud, a pale boy with a sickly looking eye, took us to the place where Mohammed was killed and showed us the bloodstain on the road and another at the place where he fell, en route to the house.

As we left Nabi Saleh, we saw Ahed Tamimi returning from her studies at Birzeit University in her small car. In March 2018 she was convicted on four counts of assaulting an IDF officer and a soldier, and sentenced to eight months in prison. Her aunt and uncle were killed by the army. Another relative named Mohammed, 15, was shot in the head in 2017 across from her house by soldiers using a rubber-coated metal bullet; he lost an eye and remains disabled. Now her cousin Mohammed Munir Tamimi has been killed, too.

Settler Shoots at Palestinians With Israeli Soldier's Weapon, Footage Shows

Israeli settlers attack Palestinians & Soldiers escorting them fire at them, South Hebron Hills

On Saturday, 26 June 2021, some 20 settlers invaded the village of a-Tuwani, stoned residents and beat some with sticks, injuring one. Soldiers then escorted the settlers to other communities. A settler fired at Palestinians and several others torched an agricultural structure of an a-Tuwani resident and damaged his olive grove. After the settlers retreated, other soldiers arrived and fired live fire and tear gas at the Palestinians and their homes. This is life for Masafer Yatta residents, whom Israel works to expel from their land.

Israeli soldier kills Husam 'Asayrah during violent settler raid on 'Asirah al-Qibliyah, 14 May 2021

On 14 May 2021, settlers and soldiers came to the village in Nablus District. The settlers threw stones at homes and residents and fired in the air, and residents threw stones at them. The soldiers used force against the residents instead of distancing the settlers. After the party moved to a distant hilltop, a soldier shot and killed 'Asirah and injured another resident although they posed no danger. Such collaboration between soldiers and settlers is part of Israel’s unofficial policy to drive Palestinians out and take over West Bank land. Read full incident report:

Israeli settlers and soldiers harass residents of al Harika neighborhood central Hebron

Al-Harika, central Hebron: Settlers throw stones at Palestinian passersby and homes in presence of soldiers, who raid home and harrass inhabitants on pretext that one threw stones



Joint militias: How settlers and soldiers teamed up to kill four Palestinians

A Local Call investigation reveals how on a single day in May, Israeli settlers and soldiers cooperated in attacks that left four Palestinians dead. The unprecedented spate of joint assaults has inaugurated a new era of terror.

By Yuval Abraham July 15, 2021

Nidal Safadi was a quiet man, his neighbors said. He lived in Urif, a Palestinian village of several thousand people in the West Bank. Just 25, Safadi had three children with his wife and a fourth, a girl, on the way.

Urif is not always quiet. With the Palestinian city of Nablus less than 10 miles away, the occupying Israeli military established a base on a nearby hilltop in 1983. A year later, it was turned over to civilian purposes: part of Israel’s illegal settlement program in the Palestinian territories. Since 2000, the settlement, called Yitzhar, has been home to a yeshiva known for its hard-line Jewish nationalist views; the settlement has become known for its extremism. The so-called outpost settlements it has spurred — illegal even by Israeli law, but nonetheless defended by the Israel Defense Forces — have gradually encroached on villages like Urif. Over the past 10 years, settler aggressions have given rise to violent recriminations between the Israelis and Palestinians living nearby.

 “There were many protests in the area, but Urif was quiet,” said Mazen Shehadeh, head of the village council. “It is a small village and the residents stayed indoors. Had the settlers not arrived to attack the houses, nothing would have happened.”

Shehadeh said a group of settlers arrived at about 2 p.m., along with six soldiers, and began wreaking havoc. “The settlers uprooted almost 60 fig and olive trees,” he said. “Then they attacked the school with stones and broke its solar panels.” The damage was still evident when I visited a month after the attack. “While the settlers did all of that, the soldiers covered for them by gunfire,” Shehadeh continued.

“The soldiers led, gave orders, everything looked coordinated. The soldiers pointed for the settlers, where to go, where to uproot, and then they shot at anybody who tried to get close. After a few minutes, residents came to protect the village.”

One of the villagers who arrived was Nidal Safadi. “Nidal arrived at the school terrified,” said his brother, who asked that his name not be used for fear of retribution. “We have relatives who live nearby, and the mosque’s loudspeaker announced that the settlers were attacking, so he ran.”

Photos and videos from the scene show settlers and soldiers from the IDF aiming their weapons toward the Palestinian villagers. One video, obtained by the Israeli human rights group B’Tselem, shows a shirtless settler with a face covering walking around and chatting with nearby soldiers. At one point, the settler, armed with an automatic rifle, stands directly in front of a soldier, takes aim toward the villagers, and opens fire. Other photos show settlers and soldiers alike with weapons raised.

Amid the chaos, Safadi was struck by four bullets in the chest and abdomen, according to Shehadeh. He died of his wounds.

“We do not know whether it was a settler or a soldier who shot him,” Shehadeh said. “We had many who were wounded by gunfire that day. Nine people were hurt: one in the abdomen, another was shot three centimeters from his heart. And there was Nidal, who got killed.”

Shehadeh went on,

“It was a planned attack. Revenge, not a confrontation. We used to have clashes every day and it never looked like that. They didn’t use live ammunition before, only tear gas and rubber bullets. Also, more soldiers used to be present.”

Joint attacks

Safadi’s death was one of 11 violent killings of Palestinians in the West Bank on May 14, according to the Palestinian Health Ministry. While Israeli media reported that the killings occurred amid “clashes” — implying the widespread protests over Al-Aqsa and the Gaza bombings — at least four of the deaths occurred during deliberate attacks by settlers and soldiers on Palestinian villages, an investigation by Local Call and The Intercept found.

The joint attacks by Israeli settlers and soldiers were not linked to protests in the targeted villages; no demonstrations preceded the violence in three of the four locations. The incursions all occurred at almost the same time, around 2 p.m., and all involved the settlers destroying agricultural land, including by setting fires, as well as stone throwing and the use of live ammunition.

Attacks on Palestinians by stone-throwing settlers, as Israeli soldiers stand idly by, are a common occurrence in the occupied Palestinian territories. But scenes like those from May 14 — settlers and soldiers attacking villages in apparent cooperation, with live ammunition — are unprecedented.

The only way I can describe this is by calling it militias,” said Quamar Mishirqi-Assad, an attorney and a partner in Haqel-Jews and Arabs in Defense of Human Rights, an organization that works in the Israeli court system to represent Palestinians who have faced settler violence. “These cases, in which soldiers enter villages together with settlers, and in which there is massive gunfire by settlers — this is unprecedented.”

Five such attacks on May 14 left four Palestinians dead. One was killed in the village of Asira Al-Qibliya, in the Nablus area; another in Iskaka, near the Israeli settlement Ariel; a third in the village Al Reihiya, in South Mount Hebron; and Nidal Safidi in Urif. In the fifth village, Burin, which is also near Nablus, a similar attack ended without any deaths.

View of the Palestinian village of Urif, near the settlement of Yitzhar, in the West Bank, on December 1, 2019. (Sraya Diamant/Flash90)

Videos, photographs, and villagers’ testimonies of the attacks indicate that, in at least three cases, Israeli settlers and soldiers acted as a combined fighting unit, effectively working as a joint militia attacking civilians and firing interchangeably at Palestinian residents. Coordination between the military and settlers is a burgeoning political issue in Israel: On Tuesday, 100 former combat soldiers sent a letter to Israeli Defense Minister Benny Gantz demanding he take action against settler violence that they themselves had witnessed during their service.

“In the past year, settler violence has intensified and manifested in, among other things, property destruction, stone throwing, and physical violence against Palestinians,”

the former soldiers wrote.

“We are the ones who witnessed how the ‘lords of the land’ behave unrestricted and what this violence looks like on the ground. We were sent to defend them but were not given the tools to deal with them.”

Palestinian women mourn at the funeral of Nidal Safadi in the West Bank village of Urif, near Nablus, on May 14, 2021.Photo: Majdi Mohammed/AP

Local Call and The Intercept sent a detailed description of our findings to an IDF spokesperson, including photographs and footage. The spokesperson said the cases “are under processes of checking and investigating.” Though the IDF spokesperson declined to comment on many of the specifics, they acknowledged, in response to one of the photographs showing a settler closely interacting with an IDF officer in Urif, that the settler was in the area without permission.

No autopsy was carried out on Safadi’s body, nor on those of the other Palestinians killed that day, so there is no way of determining whether soldiers or settlers were responsible for the deaths. Israeli police have not announced any inquiries into the killings.

Update [July 18]: Following publication of this story, the IDF Spokesperson announced that the Investigative Military Police launched an inquiry into the death of Nidal Safadi in Urif. Neither the army nor the Israeli police have announced any inquiries into the other three killings described below.

Despite the common timeframe and modus operandi, there is no evidence that the May 14 attacks were coordinated. Some settler ideologues, though, did note the confluence of events. Zvi Sukot, a spokesperson of the settlement Yitzhar and a rising online star of the movement, posted photos from some of the incidents on Facebook. The photos he shared show, among other things, a dead Palestinian with a bullet in his head and another with a bleeding chest, as well as a host of bodies lying prone in various settings.

“The security situation in Samaria is excellent. No need for protests!!” Sukot wrote in his Facebook post, asking his fellow settlers to stay at home. He used the common Israeli term “Samaria” to describe the northern West Bank. There are “casualties, lots of people injured and serious trauma on the Arab side,” he wrote. “In all my years in Samaria, I do not remember the army being that determined.”

A settler, armed with an automatic rifle, aims and opens fire at Palestinian villagers, Urif, May 14, 2021. (Mazen Shehadeh)

Many village residents interviewed by Local Call and The Intercept attributed the attacks to “revenge” by both soldiers and settlers — apparently for protests against the Israeli assaults on Al-Aqsa and Gaza, as well as unrest in “mixed” cities inside Israel. The incursions fit into a pattern of so-called price tag attacks, where settlers launch retributive assaults on anyone deemed to be even remotely viewed as an obstacle to their movement.

The yeshiva in Yitzhar, near Urif, was instrumental in formulating the religious justification for “price tag” attacks. The concept gained notoriety among some Israeli Jews because it rationalized attacks against the Israeli military in rare cases where, for instance, the IDF was used to evacuate settlement outposts. The most common targets of “price tag” attacks, however, are Palestinian civilians. On May 14, soldiers were far from being targets or even ineffectual bystanders. Instead, they were active participants and collaborators in the joint assaults.

“The army now perceives the settlers as an auxiliary fighting force,” said Mishirqi-Assad, the human rights lawyer.

“The cooperation is more transparent. No one is ashamed of it. The soldiers see the settlers as a backing force, it is very noticeable. And the settlers, too, are more fearless. It’s clear that things have become more organized over the last year.”



Women sob during the funeral of Hussam Asaira, killed the day before during a demonstration in West Bank against Israeli attacks, in Nablus, West Bank, on May 15,
2021. 
Photo: Issam Rimawi/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images

Palestinians trying to extinguish the fires sparked by Jewish settlers on agricultural land in the southern West Bank village of Safa, near Hebron, on July 13, 2009. (Najeh Hashlamoun/Flash90)

Sexism, homophobia and harassment by settlers and soldiers: life’s routine in Hebron (video)

Mondoweiss

Israeli soldiers make sexual threats to Palestinian women in videos from occupation

ByPhilip Weiss July 15, 2021

In January, the Israeli human rights group B’Tselem charged Israel with maintaining an “apartheid… regime of “Jewish supremacy” from the river to the sea.

Now the organization has released two videos from the occupied territories that document this reality in chilling ways– as they show Israeli occupiers, some in uniform, abusing Palestinians in sexually degrading terms during the recent Gaza war. Published July 12, the videos capture the racist, homophobic, and misogynist abuse of Palestinians by Israeli soldiers and Jewish settlers.

Both videos were shot by Palestinians in occupied Hebron on May 13, during the Muslim holiday of ‘Eid al-Fitr. (And B’Tselem issued a press release about the dehumanizing language.)

Here are excerpts of some of that abuse. Warning, the language is highly offensive.

In the first video, Israeli soldiers raid a home in the Palestinian neighborhood of Al-Harika in Hebron. The soldiers break windows and threaten residents as they look for a young stone thrower. The soldiers ignore settlers who throw stones at Palestinians.

The soldiers abuse a Palestinian woman who bravely holds a camera, documenting the raid for B’Tselem, and threaten to break her camera:

Palestinian woman: I didn’t see anyone throw a rock.

Soldier: Because you are very fat. And ugly.

Palestinian: I do my job, I work for B’Tselem.

Soldier: One more time, I break your camera. Alright? You understand me?

Palestinian: I’ll take another camera. It’s not a problem. I have many cameras.

Soldier: Mother, why is your son throwing stones at the soldiers?

As the soldiers leave the house, one blows a kiss to her, a second says, “Happy holiday,” and a third sings, “Hey, sexy lady!”

Screenshot of B’Tselem video of Israeli raid on Palestinian home in occupied Hebron, May 13, 2021.

Screenshot of B’Tselem video of Israeli raid on Palestinian home in Hebron, May 13, 2021.

The second video records events that night in the same neighborhood. Israeli settlers from the illegal colony of Kiryat Arba, built on the eastern side of Hebron, shout racist abuse and sexual threats at Palestinians from a fence, as Israeli soldiers raid the Al-Harika neighborhood.

Settler: Come on, you snitches, you whores.

Settler: I’ll fuck up this entire village. What do you call this fucking family? All by myself, you asshole. Listen, you dog. Listen up, you pig. I’m fucking you, you dog. I’m fucking your mother and your sister.

Settler: Death to Arabs.

Settler: You dog, you dog. Muhammad’s a pig.

Settler: Muhammad’s a son of a bitch.

Settler: Come, come, I’ll fuck you.

Settler: Muhammad’s dead, you asshole.

Settler [hearing boy’s voice]: You’re hiding behind kids, you faggot. I’ll fuck you. You tranny, you coward.

Settler: Come on, I’ll fuck you, you faggot.

Settler: Come on, I’ll open up your ass.

Settler: Gaza’s on fire, you coward, you faggot.

The same video captures an encounter that day outside a Palestinian home, this time with an Israeli soldier hurling abuse.

Soldier: I spit on Palestine. Fuck your mother.

Soldier: I don’t give a fuck. I’m the Israeli army.

Soldier: Throw it, you faggot.

Soldier: Palestine, you assholes.

Soldier: Go get your mother, you faggot. Come on, bring her here, I’ll fuck her. Come on.

Of course these encounters with occupying forces are often deadly. Here is a new report from 972, also based on a B’Tselem video, about Israeli soldiers coordinating attacks on Palestinian villages in the northern West Bank with masked Jewish settlers, including a half-clad sniper.

The attacks took place on May 14, a day on which four Palestinian villagers were killed in what appear to be “pricetag” attacks– retribution against Palestinians for protests against Israeli actions.

1 January 2018

Feminist silence over Ahed Tamimi exposes the racist consensus at the heart of western feminism

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Show trial and gaol looms for 16 year old Palestinian girl for defending herself





UPDATE

In the 10+ years that this blog has existed I've posted over 2,200 different stories.  This post has recorded the highest number of hits.  Some 70000 and rising.  Don't ask me why!

Consider this – a 16 year old girl, Ahed Tamimi, whose 14 year old cousin Mohammed has just been shot in the head by an Israeli soldier, challenges two Israeli soldiers who invade the grounds of her home.  After being assaulted by one of them she slaps them back and is immediately demonised in the Israeli press for attacking an armed goon.  Israel’s press doesn’t even mention the fact that her cousin was nearly killed nor the fact that she was assaulted first. 

Ahed Tamimi surrounded by 4 burly prison guards 

At 4 am the following morning Ahed is seized from her bed by armed Israeli soldiers and taken to an unknown destination.  On the way she is almost certainly assaulted since abuse and torture of Palestinian children is routine.  She is denied food, sleep and verbally and physically abused by Israel’s heroes.  She is put in a cold cell and when she comes to her remand hearing she is looking dazed and suffering from sleep deprivation.

The hearing is conducted in Hebrew and the translator, who is piss poor, walks out in the middle.  Her father is obstructed from even seeing her by 3 military officials.  Because she is a Palestinian child she is tried in a military court that has a 99.74% conviction rate.
It goes without saying that a Jewish child of her age would not even appear in a military court and nor would they be imprisoned..  A Jewish child would have immediate access to a lawyer and their parent.  A Jewish child would never be put into a damp dark cell (apparently orders were given that Ahed should be placed in the ‘darkest’ cell available.
Labour's Zionist Shadow Secretary Emily Thornberry is a supporter of Labour Friends of Israel - she has kept quiet about Israel's child abuse but voluble about the 'right' of a racist state of exist
And what is the reaction of Western feminists?  The Jess Phillips and Harriet Harmans and all those Labour Party feminist clones who are so hot about abuse on social media?  Where is the voice of Labour’s Shadow Foreign Secretary Emily Thornberry who believes that those opposing the right of a racist Israeli state to exist should be expelled?  Nothing, absolute silence, because of course Ahed Tamimi is one of them, the other.  Thus western feminism buys into a racist Orientalist discourse. 
Ben Caspit, Ma'ariv journalist, makes thinly veiled rape threats
Consider the reaction of one, well known, ‘liberal’ Israeli, a journalist Ben Caspit from Israel’s Ma’ariv.  He shared the outrage of his Israeli audience, women included, about the affront to national pride. Caspit wrote  that:
“In the case of the girls, we should exact a price at some other opportunity, in the dark, without witnesses and cameras” 
There is only one way to interpret this, call to ‘exact a price... in the dark without witnesses and cameras.’  It is a call to rape and sexually abuse Ahed.  Yet still the silence of the Jasmine Beckett’s and Labour’s right-wing feminists is inaudible.  The call to use rape in Israel’s military and Orthodox echelons is common.
Michael Oren MK is a Zionist 'moderate'

Or consider this comment from Michael Oren, a member of Israel’s Knesset and a member of the governing coalition, as well as former Israeli Ambassador to the United States.  He is a ‘moderate’, a member of the ‘centrist’ Israeli party Kulanu.  Centrism in Israel however means somewhere to the right of UKIP in Britain.
‘The Tamimi family – which may not be a real family – dresses up kids in American clothes and pays them to provoke IDF troops on camera.’

Usually Israeli politicians like the Defence Minister Eli Dahan are more straightforward.  In a radio interview he observed that ‘To me, they [Palestinians] are like animals, they aren’t human.” Before going on to enlighten his interviewer about the nature of the human soul, being a Rabbi, that “A Jew always has a much higher soul than a gentile, even if he is a homosexual,” . 

What Oren was saying was two things.  Firstly Palestinians, because they are not human beings don’t have families like we do. They also don’t have feelings but react like animals.  Secondly that being a Muslim, Ahed should have been in a chador or burka, veiled like her mother not dressed in the clothes of a western teenager.  Her appearance is therefore a trick, designed to deceive westerners and because she is white, this is further proof that they are not the same family. The racism oozes out of these people like dirty oil and yet, despite these attacks on a symbol of a woman standing up to Israel’s colonialist military and despite the petition below attracting 200,000 signatures, no prominent feminist or feminist group has raised their voice against the forces of Zionism because in Israel there is a consensus, including amongst women, that Ahed should be punished for her ‘crimes’.
‘There has been a curious lack of support for Ahed from Western feminist groups and human rights advocates
Harry's Place and the racist Sarah Brown
Consider the pro-war site Harry’s Place, which is widely quoted by the media, including the Labour Right.  In an article Ahed Tamimi and Ben Caspit their ‘liberal’ Zionist moderator Sarah Brown, who likes to present herself as reasonable and not a frothing at the mouth Zionist first quotes the viciously racist Miri Regev as saying that ‘‘When I watched that, I felt humiliated.’ 

Regev, Israel’s ‘Culture’ Minister (culture as in Goebbels) is one of the true Judeo Nazi members of the Israeli Cabinet. She likened the Black African refugees in South Tel Aviv, who are now facing deportation  to 'cancer' and when people protested apologised to cancer victims for comparing them with refugees! Indeed in her viciously racist speech to a demonstration in South Tel Aviv Regev single handedly provoked a pogrom and physical assaults against these refugees from Eritrea and Sudan mainly.

In other words Regev is the Katie Hopkins of Israeli politics except that, even the Daily Mail eventually sacked Hopkins, whereas Miri Regev was promoted to Israel's cabinet. What is Ms Brown's reaction? Feminist solidarity with a 16 year old woman, who is still a child? Outrage at the suggestion by Ben Caspit that she should have something horrible happen to her in a 'dark place'? No apologetics throughout for her favourite racist regime.
Sarah AB also mentioned that ‘others praised the soldiers’ restraint’ quoting Avi Buskila, Chairman of Peace Now as saying that “The soldiers acted heroically, exactly how is expected from them.”  
Peace Now, for those who don’t know, is an Israeli Labour Party front organisation, which 35 years ago organised a demonstration of 400,000 in the wake of the Sabra and Chatilla massacres.  Today it is a shadowand an apologist for Israeli colonisation. In other words this racist discourse was framed entirely from the standpoint of the racists and colonialists.  None of it from the eyes of Ahed.

Of course Sarah AB is a Zionist feminist and one can expect little better from racists like her but she is indicative of a wider phenomenon amongst western feminists.  Israel is still seen as an island of women’s liberation in the medieval Middle East rather than an imperialist force which, together with the United States, helps preserve the most reactionary and backward regimes and social relations in the area – from Saudi Arabia to Egypt and Iran.  Again this is the Orientalist discourse.

There is a petition for Ahed.  We want to obtain at least ¼ million signatures though really it should be ten times this amount.  So please share this on social media and demonstrate some real solidarity with Ahed Tamimi and all the Palestinians, men and women, that she represents.  The case of Ahed is indicative because it demonstrates that womens liberation is not a western phenomenon based around sexuality, gender and lifestyle but it is bound up with the liberation of humanity from racism and imperialism and the violence it engenders.  Womens liberation is not separate from human liberation and the forces of exploitation and is not based in academic ivory towers and interesting dissertations. 

Show trial and jail sentence for mocking a soldier

Please sign the open letter below and forward to your contacts
AVAAZ open letter to sign plus two articles from Al Jazeera

Add your name to this open letter targeting all world leaders:

 248, 895 had signed at the time of posting. The aim is to get 250,000 signatures.
“We demand that Ahed and all Palestinian children are released from Israeli prisons now."
Ahed with her mother and father
The international community must put an end to the ill-treatment and detention of Palestinian children. Enough is enough.

To Ahed and all the children in Israeli jails: We stand by your side, and are holding you in our hearts. We will not give up until you are free. You are not alone.”

More information:

Ahed Tamimi was dragged out of her bed in the night and arrested.
Ahed is a child, and like thousands of Palestinian children she could be humiliated and abused if we don’t get her out fast.
Ahed’s been on the frontline defending Palestine since she was 7 years old. Now Ahed needs us to stand up for her. 
Add your name to free Ahed and all child prisoners, it will be delivered to leaders worldwide and to Ahed’s lawyer, to give to Ahed in prison to give her strength as she faces the Israeli military’s terrifying interrogation tactics.


Palestinian activist Ahed with her mother Nariman. Photo by Al Jazeera

By Shenila Khoja-Moolji, Al Jazeera
December 28, 2017

Ahed Tamimi, a 16-year-old Palestinian girl, was recently arrested in a night-time raid on her home. The Israeli authorities accuse her of “assaulting” an Israeli soldier and an officer. A day earlier she had confronted Israeli soldiers who had entered her family’s backyard. The incident happened shortly after a soldier shot her 14-year-old cousin in the head with a rubber bullet, and fired tear-gas canisters directly at their home, breaking windows.

Her mother and cousin were arrested later as well. All three remain in detention.
There has been a curious lack of support for Ahed from Western feminist groups, human rights advocates and state officials who otherwise present themselves as the purveyors of human rights and champions of girls’ empowerment.

Ahed, like Malala, has a substantial history of standing up against injustices.

Their campaigns on empowering girls in the global South are innumerable: Girl Up, Girl Rising, G(irls)20 Summit, Because I am a Girl, Let Girls Learn, Girl Declaration.

When 15-year-old Pakistani activist Malala Yousafzai was shot in the head by a member of Tehrik-e-Taliban, the reaction was starkly different. Gordon Brown, the former Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, issued a petition entitled “I am Malala.” The UNESCO launched “Stand Up For Malala.”
Malala was invited to meet then President Barack Obama, as well as the then UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, and addressed the UN General Assembly. She received numerous accolades from being named one of the 100 Most Influential People by Time magazine and Woman of the Year by Glamour magazine to being nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize in 2013, and again in 2014 when she won.

State representatives such as Hillary Clinton and Julia Gillard as well as prominent journalists such as Nicholas Kristof spoke up in support of her. There is even a Malala Day!

But we see no #IamAhed or #StandUpForAhed campaigns making headlines. None of the usual feminist and rights groups or political figures has issued statements supporting her or reprimanding the Israeli state. No one has declared an Ahed Day. In fact, the US in the past has even denied her a visa for a speaking tour.

Ahed, like Malala, has a substantial history of standing up against injustices. She has been protesting the theft of land and water by Israeli settlers. She has endured personal sacrifice, having lost an uncle and a cousin to the occupation. Her parents and brother have been arrested time and again. Her mother has been shot in the leg. Two years ago, another video featuring her went viral – this time she was trying to protect her little brother from being taken by a soldier.

Why isn’t Ahed a beneficiary of the same international outcry as Malala? Why has the reaction to Ahed been so different? There are multiple reasons for this deafening silence. First among them is the widespread acceptance of state-sanctioned violence as legitimate. Whereas hostile actions of non-state actors such as the Taliban or Boko Haram fighters are viewed as unlawful, similar aggression by the state is often deemed appropriate.

This not only includes overt forms of violence such as drone attacks, unlawful arrests, and police brutality, but also less obvious assaults such as the allocation of resources, including land and water. The state justifies these actions by presenting the victims of its injustices as a threat to the functioning of the state.

Once declared a threat, the individual is easily reduced to bare life – a life without political value. Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben has described this as a time/place sanctioned by sovereign power where laws can be suspended; this individual can therefore now be made a target of sovereign violence. Terrorists often fall within this category. Thus, the execution of suspected terrorists through drone attacks without due judicial process ensues without much public uproar.

The Israeli police have deployed a similar strategy here. They have argued for extendingAhed’s detention because she “poses a danger” to soldiers (state representatives) and could obstruct the functioning of the state (the investigation).

Casting unarmed Palestinians like Ahed – who was simply exercising her right to protect her family’s wellbeing with all the might of her 16-year-old hand – in the same light as a terrorist is unfathomable. Such framings open the way for authorising excessive torture – Israel’s education minister Naftali Bennett, for instance, wants Ahed and her family to “finish their lives in prison.”

Ahed’s suffering also exposes the West’s selective humanitarianism, whereby only particular bodies and causes are deemed worthy of intervention.

Anthropologist Miriam Ticktin argues that while the language of morality to alleviate bodily suffering has become dominant in humanitarian agencies today, only particular kinds of suffering bodies are read as worthy of this care.This includes the exceptionally violated female body and the pathologically diseased body.

Such a notion of suffering normalises labouring and exploited bodies: “these are not the exception, but the rule, and hence are disqualified.”

Issues of unemployment, hunger, threat of violence, police brutality, and denigration of cultures are thus often not considered deserving of humanitarian intervention. Such forms of suffering are seen as necessary and even inevitable. Ahed, therefore, does not fit the ideal victim-subject for transnational advocacy.

Relatedly, girls like Ahed who critique settler colonialism and articulate visions of communal care are not the empowered femininity that the West wants to valourise. She seeks justice against oppression, rather than empowerment that benefits only herself.

Her feminism is political, rather than one centred on commodities and sex. Her girl power threatens to reveal the ugly face of settler-colonialism, and hence is marked as “dangerous”. Her courage and fearlessness vividly render all that is wrong with this occupation.

Ahed’s plight should prompt us to interrogate our selective humanitarianism. Individuals who are victims of state violence, whose activism unveils the viciousness of power, or whose rights advocacy centres communal care, deserve to be included in our vision of justice.

Even if we don’t launch campaigns for Ahed, it is impossible for us to escape her call to witness the mass debilitation, displacement and dispossession of her people. As Nelson Mandela said, “We know too well that our freedom is incomplete without the freedom of the Palestinians.”


Ahed Tamimi and her parents Nariman (also now arrested) and Bassem. Throughout their show trial in Ofer military court, police officers stood in front of him so that he could not see them and they could not see him.  Photo by Jaclynn Ashly, Al Jazeera


By Jaclynn Ashly, Al Jazeera
December 26 2017

Bethlehem, occupied West Bank – On a day when millions of people around the world spent time with their families, laughing and exchanging gifts, Bassem Tamimi sat for hours in an Israeli court anticipating the fate of his daughter, wife and niece.

For the second time in less than a week, the Tamimi women’s detentions were extended for another four days as the police prosecution continues an investigation into a case that has attracted worldwide attention.

Bassem told Al Jazeera that the court sessions, held in Israel’s Ofer detention centre in Ramallah, went on for more than six hours on Monday.

“Ahed looked so tired,” he said, referring to his jailed 16-year-old daughter, and expressed worry concerning her treatment in Israeli jail.

Three Israeli officials stood in front of Bassem the entire court proceeding, blocking his view of Ahed.

“I wasn’t even allowed to see her,” he said. Bassem attempted to speak to his daughter, eager to hear her familiar voice that could assure him she was continuing with the strength the teenager is famous for.

However, “any time I tried to speak to her, the Israeli officers would tell me to shut up and would threaten to kick me out of the court”, he explained.

“They just want to show us that Israel controls everything.”

Multiple arrests

Ahed was detained by Israeli forces on Tuesday following a raid on the family’s home in the village of Nabi Saleh in the occupied West Bank during the pre-dawn hours.

Hours later, his wife Nariman travelled to the Binyamin detention centre, where Ahed was being held, to check on her condition and insist on being present while her daughter was being interrogated.

She too was arrested upon arrival. Israeli authorities are accusing Nariman of “incitement” for filming a video showing Ahed slapping and kicking two Israeli officials outside her home.

Ahed’s 21-year-old cousin Nour, who studies journalism at Al Quds University, was also arrested during a raid on her home the following morning.

An Israeli army spokesperson previously told Al Jazeera that Ahed was suspected of “assaulting a soldier and an IDF officer”.

Tear gas canisters collected by residents of Nabi Saleh village [Jaclynn Ashly/Al Jazeera]

The video went viral and spurred an Israeli social-media campaign demanding the arrest of the teen, who has been an icon for the village’s long-standing resistance since she was 13.

Nour also appeared in the video. Following the arrests, Israeli authorities summoned Bassem for interrogations and questioned him for two hours about the video.

According to Bassem, Ahed and Nour were attempting to push the soldiers away from their home in the video after their 15-year-old cousin Mohammad was struck point-blank in the face with a rubber bullet, which left him in a coma for 72 hours.

The Tamimi women have not yet officially been charged with a crime.

According to Gabi Laski, Ahed’s lawyer, the women are also being investigated for other incidents unrelated to the recent video.

Laski said the teen is being held in the first section of Israel’s HaSharon prison in Israel, which holds child “security prisoners”.

No change of clothes

Nariman and Nour are being held together at HaSharon in the third section designated for Palestinian women prisoners, Laski said.

Ahed has not been provided with a change of clothes since she was detained almost a week ago, Laski told Al Jazeera.

Since her detention, Ahed has also been transferred between several prisons in Israel.

According to Laski, such Israeli policies are meant to “break your spirit”.

Palestinian detainees are typically handcuffed and have their feet shackled during prison transfers. 

The trip between prisons is often uncomfortable and can result in serious physical and emotional exhaustion.

These prison transfers occur despite being a violation of international law, which prohibits the transfer of Palestinians from the occupied territory into Israeli territory.

Nevertheless, 60 percent of Palestinian child detainees are transferred into Israel from the occupied territory, according to prisoners’ rights group Addameer.

Addameer has reported that many Palestinian children are interrogated while “sleep deprived and often bruised and scared”, and called the process “coercive”.

‘Abuse and humiliation’
According to the group, Palestinian children are often “shown, or made to sign, documentation written in Hebrew”, despite most Palestinians in the occupied territory not understanding the language.

Defence for Children International – Palestine noted in a new report that out of 520 cases of Palestinian children being detained by Israel between 2012 and 2016, 72 percent faced physical violence and 66 percent experienced “verbal abuse and humiliation”.

Nour’s father Naji told Al Jazeera that the threats his family has received from Israelis have left him anxious and concerned about Nour’s safety in prison.
The idea of rape as a weapon of war is widely held among certain sections of Israel's security establishment

According to Naji, Israelis have demanded that the Tamimi women be held in the “darkest cell” of Israel’s prisons and have expressed their hope that the women “get raped”.

“What if some right-wing Israeli is working in the prison, and they actually follow through with these threats?” he said.

In the early morning hours on Monday, as the Tamimi families were resting before another long day at an Israeli court, Israeli forces crept into the village once again and raided Naji’s home.

Manal Tamimi, a relative of the women, told Al Jazeera that Israeli forces broke into Naji’s home and ransacked the place, before raiding two more homes in the village.

Izz al-Din and Mutasim Tamimi, both 20 years old, were detained during the raid.
Both had previously spent time in Israeli prison – between five to eight months, according to Manal.

Neither of the youths was involved in the case that Ahed, Nariman, and Nour are being held for.

Residents interrogated

Manal said that for the past two weeks, Israeli forces stationed at the checkpoint positioned at the entrance of Nabi Saleh have been stopping the young residents of the village and interrogating them for hours.

“This has nothing to do with anyone breaking the law. This is just harassment and collective punishment on the village,” she said.

Bassem agrees, telling Al Jazeera that the Tamimi women’s court proceedings are a form of Israeli “propaganda”.

“Israel wants to show the world that they have a trial, a court, and a legal system. They want people to believe they have laws and a democracy,” Bassem said.

Bassem said that the village did not see Israel’s courts as “legitimate”.

“It’s all fake. The courts are just another component of the occupation. There’s no difference between this court and an Israeli settlement,” he told Al Jazeera.

“They are targeting us because we are Palestinian and we resist Israeli occupation and its colonisation of Palestinian lands. They want to break Nabi Saleh.”


By Lara Friedman, Forward
December 20, 2017

The video is striking — no pun intended. A 16 year-old Palestinian girl in the West Bank village of Nabi Saleh grapples with Israeli soldiers in full combat gear and armed to the teeth. Despite the fact that she swats and kicks at them, the soldiers, likely hardly older than their tormentor, show admirable restraint, doing nothing to escalate the situation from a scuffle into something much worse. 
Days later, more video emerged, this time of the IDF raiding Nabi Saleh in the middle of the night to pull this same teenager, Ahed Tamimi, from her bed and arrest her. Since then, her mother and a female cousin have also been arrested.

In Israel, and among defenders of Israel, two questions dominate the debate: How could any Palestinian have been permitted to abuse and humiliate the IDF in this manner? And what can Israel do to ensure that it doesn’t happen again?

Israel’s Minister of Education, Naftali Bennett and Defence Minister Avigdor Leiberman, both of whom support pardoning an Israeli soldier who was caught on video killing a Palestinian who no longer posed any threat, have ideas. Bennett called for Ahed and those who joined her in the attack to be jailed for the rest of their lives. Lieberman threatened ominously:

“Everyone involved, not only the girl but also her parents and those around them, will not escape from what they deserve.”

Knesset member Oren Hazan, from the Likud party, suggested that the soldiers’ failure to react with force was a mistake:

“Restraint is a failed and dangerous policy. Next time it must end differently.”

Knesset member Bezalel Smotrich, of the Jewish Home party, called on the IDF Chief of Staff

“to order that every encounter or friction between the enemy and our troops end with a painful and decisive outcome.”

All of these reactions gloss over the key question: How did Israeli soldiers come to be grappling with this Palestinian teenager in the first place? Were they minding their own business, taking care of the security of Israel or Israelis, when Ahed and her relatives suddenly turned up to “provoke” them? Or rather, since the action in the video takes place in the front yard of Ahed’s house, were the soldiers in Nabi Saleh at the Tamimi residence to arrest someone, hunt for weapons or foil a planned attack against Israel?

The answer to all of these questions is: no. The reason IDF soldiers are regularly in Nabi Saleh, and regularly haunt the Tamimi family — week after week, for nearly the past decade — has nothing to do with the security of Israel.

It is because the inhabitants of this village, in existence since long before the establishment of the modern state of Israel, refuse to submit quietly to the Occupation. They refuse to cease protesting against an authority that over time has taken their lands and resources for the benefit of settlements, and has seen soldiers, year after year, arrest, injure and kill village residents and especially Tamimi family members as they engage in unarmed protest.

To be clear: this isn’t just about Nabi Saleh. What is happening in this one village encapsulates the ineluctable and self-defeating logic of Israeli occupation. According to this logic, all Palestinian protest, including unarmed protest, is intolerable, undermining the IDF’s absolute authority and its deterrence.

Consistent with this logic, quashing Palestinian protest is a top priority of the IDF, not because such protest threatens Israel’s security, but because occupation requires that the Palestinians never forget who is in charge. In support of this logic, Israel maintains laws in the West Bank that render virtually all Palestinian protest illegal and permit Israel to impose heavy penalties on those who refuse to submit.

And as a consequence of this logic, unarmed or non-violent protest — including by young Palestinians like Ahed Tamimi — represents in many ways an even greater challenge to the IDF than armed attacks; as one senior Israeli defence official admitted, “We don’t do Gandhi very well.”
If Israel continues to seek military solutions to quash Palestinian resistance to the occupation, the results will be predictable and tragic. While Israeli leaders worry about the political costs of videos showing soldiers abusing, or being abused by, Palestinian children, Israelis as a whole will continue to pay the ever-growing costs — moral, financial, social, security, and diplomatic — imposed on them by governments that prioritize occupation over virtually all else and undermine the humanity of the nation’s own sons and daughters by sending them on missions the sole purpose of which is to humiliate, subjugate, and break the spirit of fellow human beings.

And as the costs to Palestinians continue to be measured in blood — deaths and injuries — and time lost in Israeli jail, Palestinian grievances will only deepen, and the determination to resist will only grow stronger. In short, Nabi Saleh and villages like it are where Israel’s occupation logic hits a wall (no pun intended): there is no military answer to Ahed Tamimi or others of her generation, who see that they have no hope and no future under Israeli rule. The only solution is an end to occupation.
Lara Friedman is the President of the Foundation for Middle East Peace (www.fmep.org).


PLUS,  read
Haaretz Editorial, December 23rd, 2018

The government has to start caring more about what the international community thinks and less about extremists on the far right, which is why the detained 16-year-old Palestinian girl should be released…….
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