17 October 2011

Support the Palestinian Prisoners' Hunger Strike







Two Days after Prisoner Exchange Deal is Announced, Palestinian Prisoners Remain Steadfast in their Hunger Strike

Ramallah, 13 October 2011 — As the world welcomed the conclusion of an extensive prisoner exchange deal between Israeli and Hamas authorities on 11 October, Palestinian political prisoners held in Israeli prisons resolutely entered their third week of a hunger strike, launched on 27 September in response to pronounced deteriorations in their detention conditions. Addameer is concerned that these prisoners’ dire health conditions and isolation will only be exacerbated over the next three days as Israeli prisons close during the Jewish holiday of Sukkot.

Indeed, while the prisoner exchange deal will be thoroughly scrutinized over the next three days, it will be completely impossible for lawyers and International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) delegates to visit Israeli prisons during the same period because of the Sukkot holiday. As a result, until at least Sunday 16 October, there will be no independent monitoring of, or contact with, the hunger striking prisoners, some of whom are already in dismal health. Furthermore, it will be impossible to verify whether salt has been returned to prisoners who have been on a hunger strike for more than 14 days, as is required by Israeli law, an illegal measure that could significantly impact the prisoners’ health. As of 12 October, which marked the sixteenth day of the hunger strike and the last time Addameer lawyers were able to undertake visits, administrations in the visited prisons had not returned the salt to the strikers. In addition, Addameer expects that lawyer visits will be further complicated by the Israeli Prison Service (IPS) during the entire period of the prisoner releases, with authorities likely to attribute this to the logistics of the releases.

Addameer is extremely concerned about the three-day period during which striking prisoners will be left completely isolated from the outside world, especially at such an advanced stage in their hunger strike. Addameer therefore urges the ICRC to intervene with the IPS to allow them to visit the prisons during the Sukkot holidays and further reminds the IPS that it will be held responsible for the striking prisoners’ life. Finally, it should be recalled that the punitive and collective measures imposed by the IPS on Palestinian political prisoners in recent months were taken directly following a speech by Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu on the occasion of the fifth anniversary of the capture of Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit. As such, with Shalit now set to be released within the next few days, Addameer demands that the international community rally to ensure that these politically-motivated measures, which constitute collective punishment, be immediately reversed and the prisoners’ legitimate demands granted.

Addameer Prisoner Support and Human Rights Association
P. O. Box: 17338, Jerusalem

Tel: +972 (0)2 296 0446 / 297 0136 Fax: +972 (0)2 296 0447
Email: info@addameer.ps Website: www.addameer.info

PHR Israel: Allow independent doctors visit prisoners on hunger strike

Dear all,

As you are probably aware as of Tuesday, 27 September 2011, more than one hundred Palestinian prisoners began an open-ended hunger strike to protest the intentionally harmful policies of the Israeli government toward them, including harsh conditions of incarceration and collectively hostile treatment. PHR Israel together with Adalah and Al-Mezan issued a press release supporting the prisoners' demands to guard their human rights and dignity.

On October 2nd the three organizations sent a letter to the Israeli Prison Service (IPS) insisting that:

The IPS will refrain from punishing and violating the rights of the hunger striking prisoners. It is important to explain that the IPS tends to use punitive measures – some of which are entrenched in the IPS regulations that define the announcement on a hunger strike as an act of violation of order. Those punitive measures – in and outside of IPS regulations – are violating the prisoners' basic and constitutional rights, and their right to health. This is especially worrying taking into account that the hunger strike was ignited by the government's declared policy of worsening conditions in jails. As remembered, PM Netanyahu declared of changing jail conditions as a measure of pressure on Hamas following its refusal to allow the Red Cross to visit Gilad Shalit. IPS Punitive Measures usually include:

Solitary confinement: The UN Committee Against Torture has sharply criticized the prolonged solitary confinement of prisoners, regarding it as an act of cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment or punishment (CIDT) that constitutes a violation of Article 11 of the CAT, which requires States parties to ensure systemic review of conditions of incarceration,18 and of Article 16, which obliges states to protect prisoners under their jurisdiction from CIDT.

In its Concluding Observations on Israel from June 2009,19 the committee criticized Israel’s use of solitary confinement against Palestinians during interrogation and imprisonment, demanding that it be used in an exceptional manner and in accordance with international minimal standards.

Preventing or Delaying the entry of independent doctors to examine prisoners:

According to international conventions and ethics of the World Medical Association, it is of utmost importance that during a hunger strike the medical care will be given by independent doctors whom the prisoners can trust.

In addition to these punitive measures that stand in complete disregard to IHL including the Geneva Convention, the Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, and the Body of Principles for the Protection of All Persons under Any Form of Detention or Imprisonment all of which explicitly defend prisoners' rights – including their right to meet their lawyer, to have family visits, to hold on to their personal equipment and any electric equipment and buy in the canteen. It also prohibits exaggerated fines, confiscation of books and newspapers, and of liquids and salts.

PHR-Israel received news of prisoners being sent to solitary confinement due to their hunger strike already from the second day of the strike, confiscation of personal and electric equipment, revocation of family visits and putting food tray to their cells. 20 prisoners who are held on solitary confinement had joined the strike, this in addition to 6 ill prisoners, who joined the strike demanding proper medical care.

PHR-Israel had appealed to its internal and family doctors to volunteer to visit the prisoners that are on hunger strike – a request to allow them visit all prisoners on hunger strike was sent to the IPS and was refused, _stating that each prisoner must request our doctor specifically. In addition a letter was sent to the chief medical officer of the IPS, Dr. Dini Orkin-Tishler, calling her to adhere to medical ethics and refrain from using medical professionals and medicine as a tool in fighting against the strike.

PHR Israel, Adalah and Al Mezan asks that you to assist us in defending the rights of the prisoners under hunger strike by:

A) call on the Israeli authorities to allow independent doctors visit and monitor their situation; B) request an update of their situation; C) Insisit on the IPS' doctors' responsibility to inform the families of prisoners on their health condition.

Ahmad Sa'adat's health in jeopardy as struggle grows!

Palestinian prisoners' hunger strike in third week -

The Campaign to Free Ahmad Sa'adat
www.freeahmadsaadat.org info@freeahmadsaadat.org Twitter:http://twitter.com/ freeahmadsaadat

Palestinian prisoners have entered their third week of hunger strike. After two weeks of hunger strike, physical symptoms become increasingly severe and prisoners' lives and health are ever more at risk. As prisoners have put their lives and bodies on the line to defend the rights of themselves and their people, international support and solidarity are continually escalating and much-needed.

The health of Ahmad Sa'adat, General Secretary of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine and Palestinian national leader who has been in isolation for two and one-half years and whose struggle is at the center of the demand for an end to isolation, is in crisis. Two lawyers visited Sa'adat on October 7 and October 9, and reported that he was fainting and vomiting - a direct consequence of the Israeli Prison Service's confiscation of salt from prisoners. He has already lost over 7 kilos on the hunger strike. Nevertheless, no independent doctors or medical professionals have been permitted to examine Sa'adat. It is urgent that independent medical care reach Sa'adat - call and protest at your Israeli consulate or embassy or demand that the International Committee of the Red Cross take action to protect Sa'adat's life!

Despite his own health crisis, when asked about the duration of the strike, Sa'adat responded: "We are going to continue. We will not accept these degrading conditions. Either we live in dignity or we die with our heads high."
It is clear that if there are any consequences to Sa'adat's health or life, Israel and its isolation policy bear full responsibility and have yet more blood on their hands - but silence is complicity, and the world governments, officials and authorities who allow this to continue without raising a word of protest are also responsible for the ongoing crimes against Palestinian political prisoners and the Palestinian people as a whole.

As of October 9, 300 prisoners were participating in a complete open ended hunger strike and 3000 in a partial hunger strike. Additional prisoners have been joining the strike on a daily basis - on October 10 and 11, over 1500 prisoners at Nafha, Ramon, Eshel, Asqelan, and Gilboa prisons have joined in the open-ended strikes

Hunger strike tents continue to grow in cities throughout Palestine - in Ramallah, Qalqilya, Nablus, Gaza, Salfit, Tulkarem, Nazareth, Haifa. Palestinian activists have gone on solidarity hunger strike and engaged in ongoing mobilizations throughout Palestinian cities. In Gaza, three international activists have joined in the solidarity hunger strikes. Demonstrations in front of Ofer and Asqelan prisons were organized by Palestinians in '48 Occupied Palestine. On October 12, 2011, a general strike is expected to close businesses, schools and offices throughout Palestinian cities for hours, to express mass popular support for the prisoners' struggle.

Negotiations to end the strike failed on Monday as Israeli prison authorities continue to disregard Palestinian prisoners' rights. Prisoners have been repeatedly denied lawyers' visits in several prisons. Prisoners have been increasingly denied salt or their salt confiscated - a potentially deadly action for Sa'adat and other hunger strikers.

Abdel Latif Gheith, Chair of the Board of Directors of Addameer Prisoner Support and Human Rights Association, was today slammed with a six-month ban on entry into the West Bank (as defined by Israel.) Gheith is a resident of East Jerusalem and was called to al-Moskobiyeh interrogation center in Jerusalem to order him arbitrarily forbidden from entering the West Bank, a severe violation of his right to freedom of movement and obvious retaliation for his work in support of the prisoners' hunger strike.

International solidarity to support Palestinian hunger strikers is growing rapidly:

In Gaza, international solidarity activists have joined solidarity hunger strike tents. "Palestinian prisoners are bravely resisting a system that seeks to crush them, their families, their communities, and their national life. Their struggle deserves our full support," said Joe Catron, an activist from the U.S. engaged in an open-ended hunger strike.

éirígí, an Irish republican socialist political party, held a demonstration in Dublin demanding freedom for Ahmad Sa'adat and supporting the hunger strike.

Protests took place throughout the U.S., including in San Francisco and at Occupy Wall Street in New York, in support of the hunger strike - and in solidarity with prisoners in California on hunger strike. Protesters called for the freedom of Ahmad Sa'adat and all Palestinian prisoners. See a video of a protest organized by the International Jewish Anti-Zionist Network.

Greek organizations and social movements have stood in solidarity with Palestinian prisoners, including Greek trade unionists, city councillors, and the Communist Organization of Greece.

Georges Ibrahim Abdallah, an Arab prisoner in French jails, joined the hunger strike as protests took place in solidarity with Palestinian prisoners in Paris. Activists in Denmark, Sweden and Italy joined in the solidarity actions across Europe.

The National Lawyers Guild in the US and the Palestinian Boycott National Committee issued statements and calls to action in support of Palestinian political prisoners.

A play, Ana Hurra, supporting Palestinian prisoners and telling their stories, began a two-week tour of the United States, and activists on Twitter plan global solidarity hunger strikes.

TAKE ACTION TO SUPPORT AHMAD SA'ADAT AND ALL PALESTINIAN PRISONERS!

1. Picket, protest or call the Israeli embassy or consulate in your location and demand the immediate freedom of Ahmad Sa'adat and all Palestinian political prisoners. Make it clear that you support the demands of Palestinian prisoners on hunger strike! Demand that independent doctors and medical experts be allowed to examine and treat Ahmad Sa'adat. Send us reports of your protests at Israeli embassies and consulates.

2. Distribute the free downloadable Campaign to Free Ahmad Sa'adat flyer in your community at local events.

3. Write to the International Committee of the Red Cross and other human rights organizations to exercise their responsibilities and act swiftly to demand that the Israelis ensure that Ahmad Sa'adat and all Palestinian prisoners are freed from punitive isolation. Email the ICRC, whose humanitarian mission includes monitoring the conditions of prisoners, at JER_jerusalem@icrc.org, and inform them about the urgent situation of Ahmad Sa'adat. Make it clear that Ahmad Sa'adat's life and health are gravely at risk and that he must be permitted independent medical care, and that the ICRC is aware and responsible for any risk to Sa'adat's life or health..

4. Join in the Twitter solidarity strike for Palestine - Tweet: My name is ( ) and I will go on a hunger strike on Wednesday in solidarity with Palestinian prisoners. #TweepStrike #HS4Palestine

5. Email the Campaign to Free Ahmad Sa'adat at info@freeahmadsaadat.org with announcements, reports and information about your local events, activities and flyer distributions.

The Campaign to Free Ahmad Sa' adat


info@freeahmadsaadat.org Twitter:http://twitter.com/freeahmadsaadat
http://popular-resistance.blogspot.com/2011/10/political-prisoners.html

It is good news that over 1000 Palestinian political prisoners will be released in a prison swap deal. But there are still thousands of Palestinian political prisoners. This Saturday we will be discussing in our cultural group the new book by Marwan Barghouthi about his life behind bars. He will apparently not be part of this prisoner exchange deal neither will Ahmed Saadat of PFLP nor other key leaders. For English readers on this list, I translated my review (originally in Arabic) of Barghouthi's book and included it here. Below that I include some text on prisoners from my book "Popular Resistance in Palestine: A history of Hope and Empowerment

"Hopefully, those two sections will give you some idea about the struggles of political prisoners. Hopefully, Hamas (which did not get all it wanted but did score a political victory here) and Fatah (which scored a political victory by abandoning the futile US-led bilateral negotiations but also did not get all it wanted) could now implement their signed agreements especially on representation in the PNC.’ Comparing Books by political prisoners: Nelson Mandela and Marwan Barghouthi Review by Mazin Qumsiyeh I read Nelson Mandel's inspiring autobiography many years ago. His book was titled "Long Walk to Freedom" because it was done after the end of apartheid. Marwan Barghouthi's book is not an autobiography in that sense because our people's walk to freedom is still ongoing. It is thus titled "One thousand days in prison isolation cell" and refers to a part of the struggle. We indeed look for the day that our political prisoners can write books at the end of the road to freedom. Barghouthi's book is dedicated to his wife, his children, to the Palestinian people, to the Arab and Islamic world, to all those who struggle and resist occupation and colonization, and to fellow prisoners. Mandela's book similarly recalls family, people, and fellow political prisoners. Barghouthi recalls his village life in Kuber with much passion and love in his newest book but you will find the national cause dominate the book. While Kuber is mentioned two or three times, Palestine is mentioned on just about every paragraph. Mandela had a rural beginning in a small village called Mvezo and still retains that love of land. He was a shepherd and ploughed lands. He dreamed of becoming a lawyer and was like Barghouthi interested in learning. He enrolled at Birzeit University in 1983 but due to exile and other factors only finished his bachelor in 1994 (in history and political science). In 1998, he got masters in international relations. Both Mandela and Barghouthi led youth movements in their teens and became strong leaders even as they were pursued and jailed. Mandela like Barghouthi reports on mistreatment, lengthy incarcerations, resisting, and all that you expect from someone who went through such experiences. Mandela like Barghouthi says that it is not what he actually did that he was being punished for but for what he stood for. Both were charged by the respective apartheid regimes of leading armed guerrilla groups. Through these writings, you see a common characteristic: great humility. They do not elevate themselves above the thousands who struggle for freedom. Even though some of us consider them key leaders, they themselves see their role as foot soldiers. Barghouthi describes being beaten on his private parts and losing consciousness waking later to find a gash on his head from falling and hitting the cement wall. The gash left a permanent mark. But immediately after describing this, Barghouthi merely says (p. 21) that is it is merely a small example of what tens of thousands of activists were subjected to. In the mid 1950s Mandela devised a plan and convinced fellow ANC leaders to adopt it that created a decentralized structure. Cells are formed at the grassroots level and select among them leadership at intermediate levels which insured secrecy and yet some level of democracy and operational meaning. Barghouthi recalls how he was not happy about Arafat's autocratic structure and especially those around Arafat many of them were corrupt and not dedicated to the Palestinian struggle. Barghouthi and Mandela speak of psychological warfare including the games of good investigator and bad investigator played to break prisoners' will. A lot of what he says about mistreatment in prison will not be new to Palestinians alive today. Most Palestinians above age 30 have tasted at least some of these pains. Of course Barghouthi suffered more than most Palestinian males his age. Barghouthi talks about how critical the visit by his lawyer was to break his isolation and makes him feel connected to life outside the prison. Mandela also refers to the psychological boost received by knowing that people outside continue the struggle and care about the freedom of political prisoners. Barghouthi states on page 130 how in prison you have lots of time to think. He recalls these thoughts in detail and they range from his feelings of solidarity with all persecuted and oppressed people around the world to poor programming on Palestinian television (when the channel was allowed in prisons). Barghouthi speaks about his passions like reading books. He speaks of his love for his family. He speaks of women liberation. He speaks of learning languages in jail. The thoughts of Mandela in jail also dealt with similar issues. Barghouthi describes solitary confinement as "slow death" (p. 81). Mandela calls them the "dark years". Barghouthi speaks about how the US and western positions put significant pressures on Arafat and that finally, Mr. Mahmoud Abbas was appointed prime minister. Abbas, according to Barghouthi, was known for his positions against resistance (p. 156). In one section he talks about how leadership did not rise to the challenge or match the enormous struggle, aspirations and needs of the people. Barghouthi says on page 148 that Israel can defeat a particular leader or faction or group of people but cannot defeat the will of the Palestinian people. On the next page he articulates beautifully why resistance in all its types is so critical to success in achieving our collective goals. The cost of occupation and colonization must be made unbearable or at least more than the benefit from it for Israel to back off. Barghouthi speaks about how his political actions did not stop in jail. He gives several examples including the Palestinian factions observing a cease fire that started 19 December 2001 on the eve of the visit by American envoy General Anthony Zinni. That cease fire lasted for nearly a month but was broken by Israel's assassination of Ra'ed Karmi. Barghouthi recalls that one of the more painful episodes was the abduction of his son Qassam. His letter to his son takes 30 pages of the book! It is an amazing letter that recalls the history of Palestine, the history of struggle, the history of the prisoner movement and much more. But the letter also reflects on feelings and attitude of Barghouthi himself in key periods of his life. How he felt when his son was born while he is in jail. How he built a relationship with his wife despite being a man spending most of his life either on the run or in jail. It is very detailed mentioning dates and events and surroundings that put the reader (his son and us) in those circumstances. He recalls the death of his father 5 August 1985. He talked about his biggest pains (which were not the interrogations, torture or solitary confinement) but when he was exiled to Jordan in the late 1980s. Yet he also says that after his family joined him in exile from the homeland, the family life alleviated the pain of exile from his homeland. The letter ends with recommendations he gives to his son like any father gives to his son. But here the recommendations are about exercising, reading books, learning languages, and keeping friendly relations with fellow prisoners. The book finishes with a section about his wife and a final section about collaborators in Israeli jails. It is significant that he decided to conclude with detailed exposure of the despicable methods of collaborations. Similarly, Mandela's autobiography includes a section on treason. Oliver Tambo described Mandela as passionate, fearless, impatient and sensitive. I never met either Mandela or Barghouthi personally but after reading these books, I can say that I agree not only with these adjectives applied to Mandela and Barghouthi but I can think of many others: humble, honest, intelligent, articulate, and I can go on but I will leave that to historians to give people their due. But knowing such people at least through their writings and writings of others about them adds to our conviction that freedom is inevitable to nations that have such individuals.
Prison struggles: sections from the book "Popular Resistance in Palestine: A History of Hope and Empowerment"
In this book I discuss the efforts for release of political prisoners that started in the 1920s when the women movement in Palestine succeeded in gaining release of three prisoners (Chapter 6). In chapter 7, we find that "On 17 May 1936, prisoners in Nur Shams prison declared a strike and confronted the prison guards who ordered soldiers to open fire. One inmate was killed and several wounded as prisoners shouted in defiance: 'Martyrdom is better than jail'.(ref) On 23 May 1936, Awni Abdel Hadi, secretary general of the Arab Higher Committee, was arrested.(ref).. On 9 September 1939, fighters took over Beersheba government facilities and released political prisoners from the central jail."

When the British government felt more confident in 1942-43 about the prospects of winning the war, it released some Palestinian political prisoners and allowed others to return from exile. Attempts to revive political activity during this period were nugatory. Awni Abdel Hadi returned from exile in 1943 and revived Hizb Al-Istiqlal, with help from Rashid Alhaj Ibrahim and Ahmed Hilmi Abdel Baqi, and even started a national fund."

In other section sof the book, I discussed the struggle of Palestinains inside the Green Line, many of them ended in jail as political prisoners. Like Palestinains in the West Bank and Gaza, they supported their political prisonesr and struggled for their release. The struggle in the occupied territories continued. When Israel introduced extensions of so-called 'administrative detention' (detention without trial) for up to six months, a strike among Palestinian political prisoners started 11 July 1975.

Political prisoners in Israeli jails also organised themselves into effective committees [during the uprising of 1987] which carried out collective strikes which were especially effective in the 1980s and early 1990s.36 King interviewed Qaddourah Faris (from Fatah) who was a key leader of the prisoner movement. He talked about a successful hunger strike for humane treatment that involved 15,000 prisoners throughout Israeli jails.(ref) In 1990, Israel held over 14,000 Palestinian prisoners in more than 100 jails and detention centres at one time according to Middle Rights Watch.(ref) Even Israeli supporters like Anthony Lewis became outraged enough to write:

"The Israeli Government has taken thousands of Palestinians from the occupied West Bank and Gaza into what it calls 'administrative detention.' That means they are held as prisoners, for up to six months at a stretch, without trial. At least 2,500 of the detainees are imprisoned in Ketziot, a tent camp in the burning heat of the Negev desert. On Aug. 16 Israeli soldiers shot and killed two of-the detainees there . The story had further grim details that I shall omit because they cannot be confirmed ... The prisoners at Ketziot, it must be emphasised, have not been convicted of doing anything. They have had not a semblance of due process. They are there because someone in the Israeli Army suspects them - or wants to punish them. Mr. Posner went to Ketziot to see two Palestinian lawyers being held there and four field investigators for a West Bank human rights group, Al Haq. He concluded that they had been detained because of 'their work on human rights and as lawyers."(ref)
On 6 December 1998, during President Clinton's visit, over 2,000 political prisoners went on hunger strike demanding to be released. Their message to both the Israeli and Palestinian leadership was not to negotiate issues that do not place their release on the agenda.

In September 1988, the Israeli army stated that the number of detainees it held was 23,600 and Peter Kandela reported cases of the use of torture on detainees.94 After the Oslo Accords many thousands of Palestinians were released. But many thousands more were imprisoned in the uprising that started in 2000. In total, over 700,000 Palestinians spent time in Israeli jails. On occasion, nearly 20 per cent of the political prisoners were minors. 95 political prisoners in Israeli jails also participated in non-violent resistance. Israel radio reported on a hunger strike by prisoners in the camps of Jenin, Ramallah and Nablus, who demanded improvement in their deplorable conditions in 1987.96 Al-Ansar prison in southern Lebanon, where thousands of Palestinians and Lebanese political prisoners were held by Israeli occupation forces, showed incredible acts of resistance and resilience, ranging from hunger strikes to refusal to obey orders to writing.97

Thousands of Palestinian prisoners went on a hunger strike from 15 August to 2 September 2004. During this time, the Israeli authorities tried various methods from persuasion to threats to beatings to break the strike; 13 UN agencies operating in the occupied areas expressed their concern. Outside the prisons, Palestinians and internationals protested and worked diligently to spread the word about the prisoners' demands and their plight. It started with the prisoners' families, many of whom joined the hunger strike. Crowds assembled on 16 August 2004 outside local offices of the Red Cross and marched to the Gaza headquarters of the United Nations where they delivered a letter addressed to Secretary General Kofi Annan, calling for him to apply pressure on Israel and improve the prisoners' conditions. They demonstrated again in the thousands two days later.99 The PA, Palestinians inside the Green Line and the ISM called for hunger strikes outside the prisons to support the prisoners' demands.100 The strike slowly gained momentum despite repressive measures.101 Israel's Public Security Minister Tzahi Hanegbi stated: 'Israel will not give in to their demands. They can starve for a day, a month, even starve to death, as far as I am concerned'102 Eventually, the prison authorities conceded that the prisoners were entitled to some basic humanitarian rights.

Palestinian female political prisoners in Telmud Prison were mistreated and on 28 November 2004 their spokeswomen who complained about this was beaten and punished. When others complained, they too were punished, so they too went on hunger strike.103

Prisoners continued to use hunger strikes to protest against ill treatment and draw attention to their plight. For example, on 16 February 2006, Jamal Al-Sarahin died in prison. He was a 37-year-old 'administrative detainee' (held without charge or trial) who had been detained for eight months and badly mistreated. Prisoners called a one-day hunger strike.104

On 11 March 2006, a sit-down strike in front of the ICRC in Hebron was held to demand better treatment of prisoners. On 27 June 2006, 1,200 Palestinian political prisoners in the Negev Desert started a hunger strike to protest against the arbitrary and oppressive practices of the prison administration. In total, over 700,000 Palestinians have spent time in Israeli jails and the latest statistics show that 11,000 are still being held according to the Palestinian Prisoners Society.105

By 2009, Palestinians in Israeli prisons had achieved a number of successes by non-violent struggle and civil disobedience, including wearing civilian clothes (no orange uniforms), access to news, reasonable visiting rights and better access to healthcare. But the Prison Administration continues to chip away at those rights.106 Unfortunately, the PA is forced to subsidise the cost to Israel of maintaining Palestinian prisoners.

Because so many people are jailed for their resistance activities, Palestinian society has a profound respect and appreciation for the sacrifices of the prisoners. Time spent in prison is considered a badge of honour. Prisons also shape character. One former prisoner stated:

Like any human community, there are contradictions, but there is a common thread in the experience in prison that gives us strength, a common goal, a common purpose. We are joined together in struggle, so our shared experiences only make us stronger.107
(Excerpts from the book: "Popular Resistance in Palestine" by Mazin
Qumsiyeh, Pluto Press, Available in Arabic from Muwatin, Ramallah).

The Palestinian Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions National Committee (BNC) supports the legitimate demands of Palestinian political prisoners in their open-ended hunger strike, and calls for stepping up the global BDS campaign to end Israeli impunity

Occupied Palestine 11-10-2011

For the fifteenth day in a row, our brave political prisoners continue their open-ended hunger strike in Israeli prisons, challenging the walls of silence and international complicity, and refusing indignation and the persistent violations of their rights.

While today marks the historic UN day of solidarity with South African political prisoners, the UN, under US hegemony, has turned its back on the plight of Palestinian political prisoners, including hundreds of child prisoners, languishing under severe hardships in Israel’s notoriously inhumane prisons. This put the moral burden on international civil society to act, by applying effective pressure on Israel to release all Palestinian and Arab political prisoners and to respect their internationally recognized rights in the meanwhile.

The BNC, the largest Palestinian civil society coalition representing the overwhelming majority of unions, coalitions and political forces, fully supports the hunger strike called for by Palestinian prisoners and endorses their legitimate demands for:

1. Ending the policy of solitary confinement
2. Ending the ban on college education for prisoners
3. Ending the policy of collective punishment, including the denial of visits, and imposing financial penalties on prisoners
4. Ending the policy of provocative incursions and invasions of prisoners’ cells
5. Stopping the policy of shackling the hands and legs of prisoners during visits by family members and lawyers
6. Improving the health conditions of hundreds of sick and injured prisoners and providing them with the needed treatments
7. Allowing books, newspapers and clothes to enter prisons
8. Allowing the broadcast of satellite TV channels that have been banned by Israeli Prison Service (IPS)
9. Ending the policy of restricting visits to 30 minutes every month, and the arbitrary denial of visits.
10. In support of Palestinian political prisoners’ hunger strike, the BNC calls for intensifying the global Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) campaign against Israel as the most effective way to pressure Israel until it abides by the Palestinian people’s rights in full by:

1. Intensifying the boycott of Israeli academic institutions—all complicit in Israel’s occupation and apartheid--in response to the denial of Palestinian prisoners’ basic right to education

2. Organizing broad boycott and divestment campaigns around the world targeting Israeli and international companies that have contracts with the IPS or other authorities to provide the large sector of prisons, detention facilities and the farcical Israeli court system. These contracts make companies complicit in grave violations of human rights international law resulting from the exploitation of Palestinian prisoners to generate profits, forcing prisoners to pay exorbitant prices due to the lack of alternatives. We demand that the Palestinian leadership bans these companies from private and public tenders, and ask for the strict application of the boycott legislation in the Arab world against these companies.

3. Boycotting the Israeli Medical Association (IMA) and expelling it from the World Medical Association (WMA) as a result of the systematic collusion of its members with torture, and its persistent violations of the seminal anti-torture code for doctors, and the Declaration of Tokyo, obliging doctors to denounce and report torture whenever they encounter it. There is voluminous evidence documenting the visits of Israeli doctors to prisoners, seeing prisoners at various points during and after episodes of torture, and failing to take a proper history or make protest, but instead, returning the prisoners to their interrogators. This includes the IMA’s complicity and silence during the current Palestinian prisoners’ hunger strike, as IPS has been reported to confiscate salt from prisoners rooms, which is essential for their health and safety during the strike. We recall here how the Medical Association of South Africa’s was obliged to withdraw from the WMA on the issue of medical complicity[1].

The Palestinian prisoners’ movement has always been at the forefront of the Palestinian struggle for freedom, justice and self determination. As the hunger of Palestinian prisoners bangs the walls of their prison cells[2], we in turn to prod the conscience of international civil society to hold Israel accountable to international law by intensifying BDS campaigns against it.

[1] For more information, see:

Both Physicians for Human Rights-Israel, and the Public Committee Against Torture in Israel (PCATI) have submitted documentation to the WMA in support of the demand for examining the record of complicity of the IMA in torture.

[2] Refers to Ghassan Kanafani’s famous “Why didn’t they bang the walls of the tank?” from his novel, Men in the Sun. Kanafani is a leading Palestinian writer who was assassinated by Israel in 1972 at the age of 36.

The Campaign to Free Ahmad Sa'adat

October 11, 2011 - From ISM Gaza

Three international activists residing in Gaza have entered their fifth day of an open-ended hunger strike and protest encampment in front of the ICRC.

Vera Macht, Germany, stated: "The situation of Palestinian prisoners is truly heartbreaking. Parents are separated from their children, and wives from their husbands, for years, without so much as a letter or video."

Silvia Todeschini, Italy, stated: "They have been on strike for over two weeks with very basic demands. We will strike with them, and hope that this will help to stop the world's silence about their situation."

Joe Catron, United States, stated: "Palestinian prisoners are bravely resisting a system that seeks to crush them, their families, their communities, and their national life. Their struggle deserves our full support."

An open-ended hunger strike was announced by Palestinian prisoners on 27 September. The prisoners are demanding better conditions, an end to isolation and degradation by Israeli prison guards, and for a change in the policy that denies many prisoners the right to have visitors. Additionally, many prisoners are calling for the release of Ahmad Sa'adat, a political prisoner and former General Secretary of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine. Palestinian officials estimate that 2,000 prisoners have joined the hunger strike.

In Gaza, hundreds have been gathering in front of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) on a daily basis to demonstrate for prisoner rights. Protesters have maintained a permanent encampment in and around the ICRC courtyard since Sunday, 2 October.

Report of successful éirígí demonstration for Palestinian political prisoners - Dublin
October 7, 2011

On Wednesday evening [October 5] éirígí held a successful candlelight vigil in support of Palestinian prisoners who have embarked on a hunger strike in protest against the way in which they are being detained and treated.

Around 50 activists gathered outside the Israeli Embassy on Pembroke Road to express both their solidarity with the protesting prisoners and their revulsion at the treatment they are being subjected to. The hunger-strike was initiated by prisoners from the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine [PFLP] on Tuesday 27th September but has now been joined by prisoners aligned to other Palestinian groups. Details are sketchy but it appears that the protest has spread right across the Israeli prison system and now involves hundreds of prisoners. The prisoners are protesting principally against the extent of the isolation and solitary confinement to which they are subjected.

According to the Israeli Human Rights Group B’Tselem, Palestinian prisoners are routinely subjected to far more widespread mistreatment that involves “sleep deprivation, tying a detainee to a chair in painful positions, beating, slapping, kicking, threats, verbal abuse and humiliation, bending the body in extremely painful positions, intentional tightening of handcuffs, stepping on worn manacles, application of pressure to different parts of the body, forcing the detainee to squat in a painful position, choking and other forms of violence and humiliation (e.g. spitting and pulling hair, solitary confinement, exposure to extreme heat and cold, continuous exposure to artificial light, and confinement in inhuman conditions.” The truth is that what this ‘treatment’ amounts to is in fact systematic torture.

Speaking at the protest, éirígí spokesperson Daithí Mac an Mháistir took the opportunity to express the party’s solidarity with the protesting prisoners and the PFLP. He noted the gravity of the situation and appealed for progressives to do all they can to bring attention to the plight of the prisoners.

Mac an Mháistir referred to the “long and painful history of hunger-striking in Ireland” and stated his “fervent wish that no Palestinian prisoners would have to die in the face of Israeli government intransigence just as happened in Ireland in 1981 when 10 men died on hunger-strike.”

He concluded by reiterating éirígí’s support for the “ending of the occupation of Palestine, which is the primary reason why an estimated 7,000 plus Palestinian men and women are in Israeli jails in the first place.”

From Hadas Ziv of Physicians for Human Rights-Israel.

2011/10/11 Hadas Ziv

Dear all,

As you are probably aware as of Tuesday, 27 September 2011, more than one hundred Palestinian prisoners began an open-ended hunger strike to protest the intentionally harmful policies of the Israeli government toward them, including harsh conditions of incarceration and collectively hostile treatment. PHR Israel together with Adalah and Al-Mezan issued a press release supporting the prisoners' demands to guard their human rights and dignity.

On October 2nd the three organizations sent a letter to the Israeli Prison Service (IPS) insisting that - The IPS will refrain from punishing and violating the rights of the hunger striking prisoners. It is important to explain that the IPS tends to use punitive measures – some of which are entrenched in the IPS regulations that define the announcement on a hunger strike as an act of violation of order. Those punitive measures – in and outside of IPS regulations – are violating the prisoners' basic and constitutional rights, and their right to health. This is especially worrying taking into account that the hunger strike was ignited by the government's declared policy of worsening conditions in jails. As remembered, PM Netanyahu declared of changing jail conditions as a measure of pressure on Hamas following its refusal to allow the Red Cross to visit Gilad Shalit.

IPS Punitive Measures usually include:

Solitary confinement: .The UN Committee Against Torture has sharply criticized the prolonged solitary confinement of prisoners, regarding it as an act of cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment or punishment (CIDT) that constitutes a violation of Article 11 of the CAT, which requires States parties to ensure systemic review of conditions of incarceration,18 and of Article 16, which obliges states to protect prisoners under their jurisdiction from CIDT. In its Concluding Observations on Israel from June 2009,19 the committee criticized Israel’s use of solitary confinement against Palestinians during interrogation and imprisonment, demanding that it be used in an exceptional manner and in accordance with international minimal standards.

Preventing or Delaying the entry of independent doctors to examine prisoners: _According to international conventions and ethics of the World Medical Association, It is of utmost importance that during a hunger strike the medical care will be given by independent doctors whom the prisoners can trust.

In addition to these punitive measures that stand in complete disregard to IHL including the Geneva Convention, the Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, and the Body of Principles for the Protection of All Persons under Any Form of Detention or Imprisonment all of which explicitly defend prisoners' rights – including their right to meet their lawyer, to have family visits, to hold on to their personal equipment and any electric equipment and buy in the canteen. It also prohibits exaggerated fines, confiscation of books and newspapers, and of liquids and salts.

PHR-Israel received news of prisoners being sent to solitary confinement due to their hunger strike already from the second day of the strike, confiscation of personal and electric equipment, revocation of family visits and putting food tray to their cells. 20 prisoners who are held on solitary confinement had joined the strike, this in addition to 6 ill prisoners, who joined the strike demanding proper medical care.

PHR-Israel had appealed to its internal and family doctors to volunteer to visit the prisoners that are on hunger strike – _a request to allow them visit all prisoners on hunger strike was sent to the IPS and was refused, _stating that each prisoner must request our doctor specifically. In addition a letter was sent to the chief medical officer of the IPS, Dr. Dini Orkin-Tishler, calling her to adhere to medical ethics and refrain from using medical professionals and medicine as a tool in fighting against the strike.

PHR Israel, Adalah and Al Mezan asks that you to assist us in defending the rights of the prisoners under hunger strike by:

A) call on the Israeli authorities to allow independent doctors visit and monitor their situation;

B) request an update of their situation.

C) Insist on the IPS' doctors' responsibility to inform the families of prisoners on their health condition.

See also Palestinian prisoners' hunger strike resonates worldwide

12 October 2011

Picket of Book Launch Throws Gilad Atzmon Into Panic











Photos Taken by Brian Robinson

The Leafletters Almost Outnumbered the Audience

Last week I publicised the leafleting/picket of Atzmon’s book launch in London. It was supposed to be a surprise but I didn’t realise! In the event it was probably a wise decision.

Unfortunately, and much to my regret, a family emergency prevented me from attending. This resulted in a hilarious scene of Brian Robinson being confronted by Atzmon and accused of being me! Whether that is slander I shall leave to others to decide!

Instead about a dozen people from Jews for Boycotting Israeli Goods and London ISM and other activists attended. Even more interestingly, despite the claim of Atzmon to represent Palestinians, activists and all the other non-Judaic elements in the solidarity movement, in fact the total number of those going in was about 20. With speakers it meant that the numbers of those in the audience were almost the same as those picketting outside. The only ones we recognised were Gill Kaffash and her husband of Camden PSC. Kaffash is someone who is clearly a holocaust denier, and has given consistent support to Paul Eisen, of the defunct Deir Yassin Remembered.

In his January 2008 article ‘My Life as a holocaust denier’ Eisen notes how he was disowned by of his friends and associates. But a few remained loyal.

‘Of course the vast majority of people simply remained silent but there were some who openly and repeatedly demonstrated their solidarity e.g. Dan McGowan, Henry Herskovitz, Gilad Atzmon, Sarah Gillespie, Israel Shamir, Francis Clark-Lowes, Gill Kaffash, Amjad Taha, Randa Hamwi Duwaji, Cambridge PSC, Rosemary Ernshaw,’
Below are comments from a number of those attending the leafleting/picket.

‘At one point I said to him, what's he got against the Jews, why doesn't he just get on with being a very distinguished jazz musician and saxophonist -- and he shot back at me, 'Have you read my book?', to which I said, No, but I'd read lots of stuff by him. But he again interrupted to tell me that "Everyone wants to read my book, do you know how well it's selling, even before its launch? Everyone is reading my book ..."

At one point he was arguing with someone else and said that Jews are a race. I interjected that there's no such thing as race, it's a false and discredited construct. He flung out a hand, "I agree with you, yes, but for Jews it's different, Jews ARE a race", to which I, "What? Moroccan Jews, Russian Jews, English Jews? All one 'race'? It's cultural, ethnic ..." No, he wouldn't hear of it.

[in a subsequent e-mail to Brian Robinson, Atzmon has denied making any such reference and I include his comment in the interest of fairness]
'You have obviously misheard me. I argue in my writing and in my book that though there is no such thing as Jewish race, Jewish ideology is inherently racist. I'm very clear about it. I've never referred to Jews as a race nor as ethnicity.' G

He challenged us for a definition of antisemitism. I started to quote Brian Klug's reformulation of the rule of thumb quick definition, the one where he places the word Jews in quotes ("Thinking that Jews are really ‘Jews’ is precisely the core of antisemitism") and gives the neat formulation that antisemitism is precisely the process of turning Jews into 'Jews'.

Probably Klug's thought was far too subtle for Atzmon, but my attempt was certainly interfering with the flow of his 'performance', and he interrupted long before I could finish. He almost shouted that you can't make a new definition out of changing an old definition, and then turned back to haranguing the others. (At this point I couldn't help being reminded of some of the films I've seen of Oswald Mosley -- something of the same haughty arrogance, the assumption of pseudo-aristocratic entitlement maybe.)

At that point, I gave up -- others were doing far better than I could (see the photos!) Atzmon doesn't *listen* (astonishing in a musician, I'd have thought). His whole life is giving a performance, musical or otherwise.

Below is an e-mail from another who attended the picket :

Dear all,

More people than we expected -

I hope others who were there will chip in with any of their own observations.

One little oddity is that the fracas on the pavement came to an end with the appearance of a benign-looking gent saying that he was the facilitator for the evening and was about to start the meeting. He identified himself as Irving Rappaport, a JfJfP signatory, and is described in the publicity for the launch thus:

"Irving Rappaport is a commercial and community mediator and trainer with a special interest in the use of proven peaceful techniques for the prevention and resolution of violent conflicts both internationally and in the UK."
<...>

More people than we expected - almost a dozen pro-Palestinian activists, half J-BIG/JSG, half ISM and friends - turned out this evening to defend the BDS movement against the infiltration of racist ideas peddled by Gilad Atzmon. The occasion was the launch of Atzmon's new book, The Wandering Who.

Despite a Facebook plea at the weekend from the author to his supporters to turn out in force and defend him against the crypto-Zionists he alleged were planning to destroy his meeting, barely 20 people arrived in response. Several of those were on the panel of speakers and a mere handful - 4-5 - had any connection with pro-Palestine campaigning. I will not engage in an Atzmon-style personal vendetta by naming them.

We displayed placards declaring Fight Racism, Fight Zionism, Build the Palestinian BDS campaign, Support the Palestinian Campaign for Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel, and handed out copies of the attached leaflet. Thanks to J and Tony for putting this together.

Our presence led to almost an hour of lively discussion on the pavement outside the venue, although it was notable that - despite Atzmon's complaints that we are trying to close down debate and interfere with his freedom of speech - many of those coming to listen to him refused to even look at the proffered leaflets. Atzmon emerged from the building himself to join in the fray, perhaps attracted by the presence of a documentary film-making camera crew.

Some of those who were willing to talk seemed lamentably ignorant of the Palestinian struggle.

One conversation went something like this:

Atzmon supporter: He has important and interesting things to say.

BDS supporter: So what is his unique contribution, apart from blaming everything on the Jews and contradicting the policies of the Palestinian Boycott National Committee?

Atzmon supporter: But boycott is only one tiny little part of the Palestinian campaign.

BDS supporter: Not really. It's got the Zionists rattled.

Atzmon supporter: That's nonsense.

BDS supporter: You are aware that the Israeli government has just passed legislation making supporting BDS illegal.

Atzmon supporter: Er, yes of course.

BDS supporter: So how is Atzmon helping, saying Zionism is about Jewishness and nothing to do with colonialism or settlement, directly contradicting what it says here on this leaflet in a statement from the BNC.

Atzmon supporter: What's so important about the BNC? Who are they anyway?

BDS supporter: Have you heard of Omar Barghouti?

Atzmon supporter: Er, yes, but he's only one person.

BDS supporter: Don't you know about the 170+ civil society organisations the BNC represents?

Atzmon supporter: . . . Well anyway you're just here to split the movement. Harry's Place is so happy that you're attacking Gilad.

BDS supporter: Harry's Place is a Zionist site that's happy every time Gilad opens his mouth. (Gives up banging head against brick wall).

I hope others who were there will chip in with any of their own observations.

By the way as soon as he saw me he asked me if I was Tony Greenstein (he pronounced the surname the German way). I said I wasn't, but a guy whom someone said was an Atzmon groupie, tho he looked to me like something of a 'minder' insisted on the likeness and said I must be a brother "or something". I said maybe way back we had a common ancestor, who knows ... (I don't know what he'd had have done next if I'd said, Yeah, that's me guv ...)

I think to him it was just another photo op which he'll twist (as usual) to his advantage ...

Below are a list of the panellists, including one Glenn Bowman from Kent University, who when I challenged him a year ago on his support for a previous Atzmon ‘petition’ against me denied having signed it. Strange man.

I have subsequently e-mail Gilad Atzmon and accepted his challenge to a debate. Atzmon is not a fascist and so the question of 'no platform' does not arise. I do think that it is important not to give the impression that we are afraid to debate with his ideas and him and only seek to 'censor' his views, which we don't. More details will be released as and when it is confirmed.

Tony Greenstein

Panelists on Monday:

Glenn Bowman is a Social Anthropologist who has worked in Jerusalem and the West Bank throughout the past 25 years. He is concerned with religion and identity politics, an interest which also involved him in (now Former) Yugoslavia between 1990 and the present.

Oren Ben Dor is a Reader in the Philosophy of Law at The University of Southampton. He is the author of Constitutional Limits and the Public Sphere (Oxford: Hart Publishing, 2000); Thinking about Law: in Silence with Heidegger (Oxford: Hart Publishing 2007) as well as the editor of Law and Art: Ethics, Aesthetics Justice, (London: Routledge 2011). Oren writes on the uncanny origin of political emergence as well as on originary violence in Palestine. He explores the existential relationship between the Jewish and the Zionist Questions.

Karl Sabbagh is a journalist, television producer and the author of several books including A Rum Affair, Power Into Art, Dr Riemann’s Zeros and Palestine: A Personal History. He is currently the publisher of Hesperus Press

Facilitator: Irving Rappaport is a commercial and community mediator and trainer with a special interest in the use of proven peaceful techniques for the prevention and resolution of violent conflicts both internationally and in the UK.

PS: Members of London ISM took part in the picket/leafletting of Atzmon's book launch as individuals not as part of the group. The group itself has not taken any formal decision re the picket/leafletting.

8 October 2011

Leaflet Atzmon's Book Launch - October 10th 7.30



Zero Book's Anti-Semitic Book Launch

Gilad Atzmon’s book ‘The Wandering Who?’ may not match the sales of Mein Kampf, but it is without doubt a poisonous anti-Semitic tome. Atzmon’s politics also represent a threat to Palestine solidarity as they turn the focus away from Israeli settler-colonialism and its US backers onto Jews as individuals.

It is full of conspiracy theories but it has also garnered support from Professors Falk and Mearsheimer. It has also garnered support from the white supremacist, neo-nazi Professor Kevin McDonald who favourably reviews Atzmon’s book.

We, that is J-Big (Jews for Boycotting Israeli Goods) and others, Jewish and non-Jewish) have decided to leaflet Atzmon’s book launch this Monday evening. It is not intended to prevent people attending but to inform people what we think about Atzmon and his politics. Needless to say, whenever he encounters criticism, Atzmon will no doubt cry ‘censorship’.

Monday, 10th October, 2011
7:00 pm
Resource for London
356 Holloway Road
London N7 6PA

A Few Press Articles of Interest





Since this is my blog I thought I'd let readers have a look at recent coverage in the press, both locally and nationally, of my activities!

How the Zionist Community Security Trust and Theresa May Colluded at the Behest of Racists to Deport Raed Salah & Prevent Free Speech





The Zionist Community Security Trust is supposed to Prevent anti-Semitism in Britain – Instead it Helps Create It
Of one thing there should be no doubt. The Community Security Trust despite its protestations is a thoroughly Zionist organisation. I was personally manhandled at the inaugural meeting of Independent Jewish Voices, as have other anti-Zionists and non-Zionists. Years ago it even excluded a member of the 'left' Zionist Mapam from a meeting, by mistake, and had to apologise! This is copiously documented in this blog.

The CST have repeatedly intervened in debates to support the Zionist argument. When the Universities & College Union rejected the European Monitoring Committee Definition of anti-Semitism, which calls comparisons of Zionism and Nazism ‘anti-Semitic’ and which defines rejection of the idea of a ‘Jewish’ state as also anti-Semitic.

The CST accused its critics of having ‘ulterior motives’ and in a sense it is true. Our ulterior motive is to stop the misuse and abuse of anti-Semitism by those whose primary concern is supporting Israel’s oppression of the Palestinians. And if that means playing around with statistics of ‘anti-Semitism’ in this country, then so be it. In the Jewish Chronicle of 5.10.05., an article by Jenni Frazer entitled ‘Charge: CST ‘bumps up’ attack figures’ reported a Channel 4 programme “A War Against Prejudice,” which makes just such an accusation. It has also been accused of physical attacks on Muslims, i.e. anti-Muslim racism. ‘CST rejects Muslim claims over stewards’

The record of the CST is too long to mention when it comes to acting as apologists for everything Israel does and smearing opponents of Zionism as ‘anti-Semitic’.

The CST is an Israeli State Asset
There is no doubt whatsoever that the CST not only works closely with the Israeli embassy in its monitoring of opponents, but that many of its personnel and stewards are ex-members of the Israeli military. It is therefore no accident that the CST should seek to have Sheikh Raed Salah banned from Britain for alleged anti-Semitism.

I can remember the night when 9 activists were murdered on the Mavi Marmara (when the EDL and the Zionist Federation held a joint demonstration afterwards the CST stewarded it). An announcement was made that Sheikh Raed Saleh, leader of the Northern branch of the Islamic Movement in Israel, had been killed. In fact it turned out that the Israeli murderers had ‘spotter’ cards and another person had been mistaken for Raed Salah and murdered.

I doubt if I agree with much of Raed Saleh’s opinions. He is an Islamist. I am an atheist. But more importantly he is a member of the Arab minority in Israel who are not even second class citizens. Guests, unwanted strangers, would be a better description. It is no accident that most of the Jews he comes across are his tormentors and oppressors and furthermore, they claim to do so in the name of being Jewish.

The CST is alleged to have supplied doctored and false information about Raed Saleh to the Government in order to have him banned. This is an outrage because his purpose in coming to this country was to inform people about Israel’s mistreatment of Israel’s 1.5 million Arabs, its ethnic cleansing of the Negev, its destruction of ‘unrecognised’ villages (all Arab of course). Whether or not any of the quotes attributed to Saleh are true or not is completely besides the point. Just suppose they are true. There is a world of difference between European neo-Nazis advocating holocaust denial and the blood libel myth, given the millions who have died as a result in Europe, with Arabs who reflect European racism as a means of explaining their own situation. When Israeli soldiers come and demolish someone’s house or shoot their children they do it as ‘Jewish’ soldiers. It’s no surprise if their victims react accordingly. But racism is only meaningful when it is an expression of a power relationship.

There is total hypocrisy on this issue:

Firstly we have an Israeli war criminal, Tsipi Livni, who is at present in Britain as the guest of the British government. She has the blood of 1,400 Palestinians in Gaza, including 400 children on her hands. No question of a ban there, quite the contrary the government has moved to prevent any prosecution for war crimes.

Secondly we have had at least two visits from the fascist Foreign Minister of Israel, Avigdor Lieberman, who has proposed a solution to Israel’s holding (without trial of course) thousands of Palestinian prisoners. He would, if he could, drown them. http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/news/lieberman-blasted-for-suggesting-drowning-palestinian-prisoners-1.93554

Thirdly we have a situation where the Chief Rabbi of Safed, Shmuel Eliyahu, pronounced that Jews should not let apartments to Arabs. Hundreds of Rabbis supported this racist scumbag and the Israeli government even pay his salary.

Fourthly we have a situation where Rabbi Yitzhak Shapira can write a book, Torat HaMelech, advocating the genocide of the Palestinians and even the murder of non-Jewish children and babies. Yet, unlike Raed Saleh, who is prosecuted for ‘anti-Semitism’ these neo-Nazi rabbis are actually subsidised and supported by the ‘Jewish’ state, to the extent where their salaries are paid by them.

The CST meanwhile is determined to make Muslims see the Jewish community as a target, because at the end of the day, their right-wing backers, porn merchant Richard Desmond and jailed crook Gerald Ronson, are more than happy to see Jews escape anti-Semitism and go to Israel.

Tony Greenstein

Below is an article by Asa Winstanley on Electronic Intifada

Revealed: UK government plotted with Israel lobby to ban Salah
Asa Winstanley
The Electronic Intifada
Birmingham
6 October 2011

As Palestinian leader Sheikh Raed Salah’s appeal against deportation concluded in a Birmingham court this new details of the UK government’s deep links to the Israel lobby have emerged.

This follows a separate High Court ruling in London on 30 September, when a judicial review into the government’s June imprisonment of Salah ruled he was entitled to damages for “wrongful detention.”

While a panel of two immigration judges is expected to deliver a verdict within 10 days of the hearing, internal government emails obtained by The Electronic Intifada show Home Secretary Theresa May moved quickly to ban Salah not long after the pro-Israel group Community Security Trust (CST) sent a secret report on him. The report contained quotes ascribed to Salah with the word “Jews” inserted into his rhetorical attacks on Israeli occupation forces, in an attempt to paint him as an anti-Semite.

In court on Monday, government barrister Neil Sheldon said, “There is no question of this being a doctored quote, or a cooked-up quote,” although he conceded that the words “Jews” did not appear in the original poem written by Salah. A Jerusalem Post report cited by the government against Salah “may well have got it wrong,” Sheldon stated (“Civil Liberties,” 20 June 2009).
But Sheldon seemed to argue that this fact did not matter because that is how the poem was reported in a “respectable media outlet in Israel.”

This and other similar misquotes were then used by May as a principle source for her banning order against Salah. Salah entered the UK legally on 23 June. Neither he nor his organizers were aware of the ban, because the government had not managed to serve it on him in time.
Conservative Party funder on board of group that pushed for Salah to be banned

The Electronic Intifada can reveal that Poju Zabludowicz, a billionaire real estate magnate who bankrolls the ruling Conservative Party (to which May belongs), is named as a CST board member in a report by an expert witnesses called by Salah’s lawyers. The emails obtained by The Electronic Intifada appear to show that CST played a key role in the banning of Salah.
As well as personally funding UK Prime Minister David Cameron’s campaign for the Conservative Party leadership, Zabludowicz’s family used to own Israeli arms company Soltam (now part of Elbit). And he has owned a minority holding in British Israel, a company with several malls — including one in the illegal West Bank settlement Maaleh Adumim.

David Miller, a sociology professor from the University of Strathclyde in Scotland, was called by Salah’s lawyers to testify as an expert witness in the case. His report on the CST was entered into evidence. It includes a list names of the CST advisory board from June 2010. In court, he said the list was available in the public domain, and later showed The Electronic Intifada where it could be viewed publicly.

A spokesperson for the CST refused to comment when asked by The Electronic Intifada if Zabludowicz or several other members of the list were still board members. Sheldon said Miller’s conclusions that the CST is not a reliable source on the matter belied the list, which includes several members of parliament, lords and former and current senior police officers.

Pro-Israel group CST pushed privately for Salah to be banned

In a 17 June email to the deputy director of the Special Cases Directorate (SCD) of the UK Border Agency (UKBA), Michael Whine, a CST director, said he was writing following the request of an official from another government department. Whine attached a CST report on Salah “who plans a speaking tour of the UK from the end of next week.”

The report claimed that Salah’s “record of provocative acts and statements carry a risk that his presence in the UK could well have a radicalizing impact on his audiences.”

Only 17 minutes after this report was sent, Faye Johnson, Theresa May’s private secretary, emailed SCD Director Andrew Jackson about “a parliamentary event on 29 June” at which Salah was due to speak. Johnson then asked if there was “anything that we can do to prevent him from attending (e.g. could we exclude him on the grounds of unacceptable behavior?).” It is not clear where May had first heard about Salah.

A few hours later, Jonathan Rosenorn-Lanng at the SCD sent an email asking UKBA colleagues for more information on Salah that could be used to exclude him. But it seems this request was a token, as Rosenorn-Lanng insisted he would be “going with what I’ve got in any event” — seemingly a reference to the CST report on Salah.

Pro-Israel lobby group asked for court sources

The previous Monday, Rosenorn-Lanng was the only witness called by the government lawyers in their response to the appeal. Under cross-examination, he had said that, although he was “not expected to be an expert on the actual issues I’m dealing with,” the recommendations he presented to the Home Secretary on exclusions from the UK were checked by people who were experts.

In court, Sheldon also named pro-Israel lobby group the Board of Deputies of British Jews as a further source for the document put together by Rosenorn-Lanng. This document led to May personally signing the order for Salah’s exclusion from the UK.

But it’s likely this is a confusion borne of out of Michael Whine’s dual roles at both the CST and the Board of Deputies. As well as being director of “Government and International Affairs” at the CST, Whine also holds a director’s position at the Board of Deputies and has written a journal article for the CST on European governmental responsibility toward “combating anti-Semitism” (“Two Steps Forward, One Step Back: Diplomatic Progress in Combating Antisemitism,” 2010.

Although Whine sent the report on Salah from a CST email address on 17 June, and with the CST mentioned in his signature, the deputy director of the SCD referred to him as “Mike Whine at the Board of Deputies.”

Although CST predecessor, the Community Security Organization, used to be part of the Board of Deputies, the CST established itself as a charity independent of the Board in 1994 following certain changes in charity law. The CST was granted a special dispensation by the Charity Commission allowing it to withhold public release of the names of its trustees.

Goverment’s only source was anti-Palestinian group

Salah’s barrister Raza Husain had asked why Salah’s hosts in the country had not been consulted by the government or their advice sought on Salah. He also asked why they had not consulted a group like Jews For Justice For Palestinians, who issued a statement in favor of Salah’s right to speak in the country.

Pressed by Husain on this point over the whole three days of hearings, the government was unable to point to a single outside group whose advice it had drawn on, apart from the CST and the Board of Deputies (taken in the context of the emails, it seems both were via Whine).

Husain told the court he was not aware of any primary document in the report to Theresa May compiled by Rosenorn-Lanng that was not from the CST (apart from a “communities impact assessment” from the another government department). Sheldon’s reply was that, if that was the state of the evidence, “that’s the evidence.”

He later said it was “simply not the case” that everything from the CST was “taken at face value,” and he gave the example that a CST report referred to Salah’s presence on the Mavi Marmara as part of the 2010 Gaza Freedom Flotilla Rosenorn-Lanng had said the government discounted an accusation used in a CST submission that Salah might have been involved in indoctrination that led to an attack on Israeli naval commandos as a “rumor.”

But it also emerges from the emails that even May recognized that the case was “very finely balanced.” May’s private secretary Faye Johnson said as much in an email dated 23 June, 4:26pm, to SCD Deputy Director Rod McLean, thanking him for his submission. This submission is seemingly the documents assembled by Rosenorn-Lanng, who had in court described the CST as a “principal source.” But once Salah had been arrested on 28 June, some civil servants advised May against deportation because he had a ticket to leave the country on 5 July anyway, and arrest would only attract more attention to the case.

Husain’s argument was: if the case was so finely balanced even when only a report from a group biased against Salah had been received, how did the scales tip now that Salah’s side of the story had been heard in court?

Salah’s exclusion order an an affront to free speech

Sheldon’s argument was that the exclusion decision taken by May was something she is democratically accountable for, and that the Tribunal should be “very slow” to substitute its own view for hers, because it had an incomplete jurisdiction. He argued that the accusations against Salah in the document assembled by Rosenorn-Lanng were not counts of an indictment that had to be proved, and that the question for the Tribunal was, was there sufficient evidence for May to base her decision on. He characterized the evidence as disputed.

Husain took exception to that, saying the judges had to deal with the material on its own terms. He argued that the true aim of the exclusion order was to block free speech, pointing to Faye Johnson’s emailed reference to Salah’s scheduled meeting in the Houses of Parliament.
Sheldon argued that Salah’s presence in the country would have the effect of radicalizing “elements of the Muslim community.” Sheldon said Salah had been convicted in Israel of funding charities linked to Hamas and that it was a misrepresentation of a revised indictment to say this related only to charitable work.

Asked by The Electronic Intifada for a response to the accusations heard in court, Mark Gardner of the CST wrote, “It is a disgraceful slur to claim that CST’s attitudes to antisemitism are based upon the assumed religion or ethnicity of those concerned. We completely reject any insinuation that CST used ‘doctored’ quotes. You should note that there was a Guardian article which carried similar accusations to those you are making. They changed it following our legal intervention.”

This last comment seems to be a reference to a Guardian article by David Hearst, who also had access to some of the government emails, to which an amendment notice is appended (“May warned of weak case against Sheikh Raed Salah,” 26 September 2011).

Should Salah win his appeal, the government is likely to challenge the ruling. Since he is a well-known leader of peaceful popular resistance against the Israeli occupation, UK government collusion with Israeli authorities has already caused a great deal of damage to Britain’s reputation in the Arab world. A deportation would only increase such damage.

When the law has just been changed to allow Israel’s former foreign minister and war crimes suspect Tzipi Livni to freely visit Britain even while Salah remains on restrictive bail, one can accuse the UK of rank hypocrisy.

Asa Winstanley is a freelance journalist based in London who has lived in and reported from occupied Palestine. He edited the book “Corporate Complicity in Israel’s Occupation,” out in October. He was a website.