4 February 2011

The Campaign to Free Ahmad Sa'adat

Jailed for the 'Crime' of Resisting the Occupation

Ahmad Sa’adat is the imprisoned leader of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine. He was sentenced to 30 years imprisonment in a military trial for the ‘crime’ of having led the resistance to the Israeli Occupation. Resistance is, of course, not a crime and Israel’s own leaders – Begin and Ben Gurion resisted the British Occupation and were also called terrorists in their time. Of course their resistance wasn’t anti-colonial but because the colonial power hadn’t allowed them to do what they wanted.

The PFLP is, one should remember, a secular organisation. Thus Israel and Zionism’s hypocrisy about ‘Islamic militancy’ is shown to be what it is, empty racist rhetoric. Because of course Israel has, from its inception, supported backward and reactionary Islamic elders against secular nationalists.

One of the ‘crimes’ that Sa’ada was accused of, though not in the court itself, was the assassination of the racist head of Moledet, General Rehavam Zevi, which the PFLP carried out in retaliation for the assassination of the previous PFLP General Secretary, Abu Ali Mustafa, in August 2001.

In fact the assassination of this monster was no crime at all. On the contrary it testifies to the humanity of the PFLP that it has foresworn the method of ‘suicide’ bombings or Israel’s aerial bombardment of buildings, which in one case killed 17 family members, in favour of a targeted and selective assassination.

Below are some articles from the web site dedicated to Ahmad Sa'adat's campaign for freedom.

Tony Greenstein


Ahmad Sa'adat issues statement in support of Tunisian revolution

January 15, 2011

Ahmad Sa'adat, imprisoned Palestinian national leader, issued a message from his isolation cell on January 15, 2011, saluting the people of Tunisia and greeting their struggle and revolution. He congratulated all the political and social forces participating in the popular uprising against "a system of injustice, abuse and exploitation." Sa'adat's message stressed that the Tunisian popular revolution was the natural result of years of policies of marginalization and dictatorship, and the natural popular reaction to plunder and pillage of the Tunisian people's resources at the hands of repressive, corrupt regimes that are agents of colonialism.

Sa'adat's message said that the blood of the martyrs of Tunisia, popular involvement, the accumulation of experience of struggle, and the involvement of men and women, political parties and labor unions were the conditions that ensured the protection, survival and continuation of the uprising. He called for the protections of the achievements of the Tunisian people and the further development of community justice, democracy, and respect for the Tunisian people's choices.

Sa'adat called upon all democratic political forces in Tunisia to come together to safeguard the achievements of the popular uprising of Tunisia and to achieve its just and legitimate demands.

BACKGROUND

Ahmad Sa'adat is the General Secretary of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine and a member of the Palestinian Legislative Council. One of nearly 10,000 Palestinian political prisoners, he has been sentenced to thirty years in Israeli prisons for a range of "security-related" political offenses. These charges include membership in a prohibited organization (the PFLP, of which Sa'adat is General Secretary), holding a post in a prohibited organization, and incitement, for a speech Sa'adat made following the Israeli assassination of his predecessor, Abu Ali Mustafa, in August 2001.

Sa'adat is a prisoner of conscience, targeted for imprisonment because of his political activity and in his capacity as a Palestinian leader. The systematic assassination, imprisonment and detention of Palestinian political leaders has long been a policy of the Israeli state, as reflected in the imprisonment of Sa'adat and over 20 other members of the Palestinian Legislative Council, including Marwan Barghouthi, as well as the nearly 10,000 Palestinian political prisoners, targeted for their involvement in and commitment to the struggle for the liberation of their land and people.

Born in 1953, Sa'adat is the child of refugees expelled from their home in the village of Deir Tarif, near Ramleh, in 1948. A math teacher by training, he is married to Abla Sa'adat, herself a noted activist, and is the father of four children. Abla Sa'adat was herself arrested and detained for four months, and prevented from leaving Palestine to speak about Palestinian rights at an international conference. He has been involved in the Palestinian national movement since 1967, when he became active in the student movement. Prior to his abduction from Jericho in 2006, he had been held at various times as a political prisoner in Israeli jails, for a total of ten years. Sa'adat was elected General Secretary of the PFLP in 2001, following the Israeli assassination of then-General Secretary Abu Ali Mustafa in his office in Ramallah on August 27, 2001.

Sa'adat had been held in a Palestinian Authority prison for over four years, and, in January 2006, elected to the Palestinian Legislative Council on the Abu Ali Mustafa slate, when on March 14, 2006, the Israeli military stormed that prison at Jericho, abducting Sa'adat and five fellow prisoners and taking them to Israeli military prisons. For the entire period of Sa'adat's imprisonment in the PA jails, he had been convicted of no crime; his sentencing- in an illegitimate military court of occupation - came nearly seven years into his detention, after a trial that began after five years of PA/US/British, then Israeli, imprisonment.

This trial was, of course, a military trial, as are the trials of nearly all Palestinian political prisoners, presided over by three military judges, two of which are not required to have any legal background. These trials are based on military law, including military regulations that may be issued at any time by the Israeli military commander over the area. This military rule under occupation dates from the era of the British occupation of Palestine, in which these "emergency" military rules were adopted in order to suppress the Palestinian national movement for independence and self-determination. These military laws continue today for the same purpose - to continue a military occupation and suppress the indigenous people of Palestine's struggle for liberation and self-determination. Such military trials generally fail to uphold international standards for fair trials. At a more basic level, they are an illegitimate manifestation of an illegitimate system - trials that, by their very nature, can never be fair or legitimate.

Sa'adat is the child of 1948 refugees who, with six million others in Palestine, in the camps outside Palestine and in exile around the world, are denied their right to return to their homes, lands and properties and denied their right to organize, struggle and act to obtain their freedom, their return and their liberation.

JERICHO ASSAULT AND ABDUCTION

On March 14, 2006, the Israeli army laid siege for twelve hours to the Palestinian prison at Jericho holding six political prisoners. Israeli bulldozers and tanks attacked the prison while the Israeli military issued threats of assassination against the prisoners. This military assault caused the death of two Palestinians, the injury of twenty-three more, and the abduction of Ahmad Sa'adat and five other political prisoners from Jericho to Zionist prisons.

For over four years, these men had been held in the Palestinian Authority prison at Jericho, under U.S. and British guards. Immediately prior to the Israeli assault on the prison, these U.S. and British guards abandoned their posts, clearing the way for the military attack. The U.S. State Department blamed Palestinians for the siege, stating that the democratically-elected Palestinian Legislative Council leadership had indicated its willingness to release these illegally-held political prisoners. Said Sa'adat in a letter to the Palestinian people after his abduction, "The Quartet [US, EU, Russia and UN] provide a cover for occupation. What happened in Jericho Prison has made the British and US governments an integral part of the conflict and forever buried any illusions in their neutrality."

Since his abduction - a blatant violation of Palestinian sovereignty - Sa'adat's trial has been repeatedly postponed and delayed. Israeli Attorney General Menachem Mazuz admitted shortly following the abduction that there was insufficient evidence to indict Sa'adat in the assassination of extreme racist Israeli minister Rehavam Ze'evi in 2001, an act of retaliation for the August 2001 Israeli murder of PFLP General Secretary Abu Ali Mustafa. Instead, Sa'adat was indicted on a wide array of political charges in a hearing on March 28, 2006 at Ofer Military Base in Ramallah.

Sa'adat has consistently and repeatedly refused to recognize the legitimacy of the illegitimate court; his lawyers have petitioned for the charges to be dropped, as they are clearly politically motivated and the court itself is illegitmate. His trial was repeatedly postponed, from May 2006, to September 2006, to January 2007, to May 2007, and finally to July/August 2008. With each hearing, Sa'adat's courageous refusal to recognize in any way the illegitimate court - refusing to stand for the military judges, issuing statements exposing this mockery of justice, and refusing to deal with the military courts or interrogators - stood in clear contrast to the system of occupation and oppression represented by the military courts, exposing its bankruptcy and illegitimacy.

On December 25, 2008, Sa'adat was sentenced to thirty years in the occupation prisons for these entirely political charges. His extensive sentence, produced by an Israeli military court, was intended as a mechanism for imprisoning the resistance and the commitment of the Palestinian people to seek freedom, justice, liberation and self-determination. This is the highest sentence delivered in the occupation courts for a political charge.

Maher Taher, member of the Political Bureau of the PFLP, speaking on behalf of the Front in an interview with Al-Jazeera, emphasized the complicity of the Palestinian Authority in Sa'adat's abduction and imprisonment, as he had been held in PA jails for 4 years at the time, as well as the direct responsibility of the U.S. and Britain as strategic partners of the occupier, for this crime against Sa'adat and the Palestinian people.

Palestinian national political leaders from various trends strongly condemned the illegitimate court and its sentence, including the prime minister of the Gaza government, Ismail Haniyeh; the secretary-general of the Palestinian National Initiative, Mustafa Barghouthi; Ahmad Bahar, acting president of the Palestinian Legislative Council, Azzam al-Ahmad, chair of the Fateh legislative bloc; and Daoud Shihab, spokesperson for Islamic Jihad, all of whom labeled the military court and the sentencing as illegal and unjust.

ISOLATION

On March 18, 2009, Ahmad Sa'adat was suddenly transferred from Hadarim prison and to Asqelan prison, into solitary confinement. Sa'adat has been repeatedly subjected to solitary confinement and punitive measures at the behest of the Israeli regime. Sa'adat has been moved repeatedly from prison to prison, and often placed in solitary confinement or isolation.

In June 2009, Sa'adat engaged in a nine-day hunger strike against his isolation. On August 10, 2009, Sa'adat was moved from the isolation cells at Asqelan to the isolation unit at Ramon prison in the Naqab desert.

A severe set of sanctions has been directed at Sa'adat, including denial of family visits, denial of visits to the prison canteen, and a 200 shekel fine, as well as a week extension of solitary confinement. These punishments come in addition to an earlier set of draconian sanctions directed at Sa'adat as a result of his leadership in the prisoners' movement, including denial of family messages, prohibition of cigarettes, and confiscation of all electrical appliances, newspapers and magazines.

On October 22, 2009, Sa'adat faced yet another hearing on his isolation at the Israeli military court at Bir Saba. Sa'adat once again registered his utter rejection of the Israeli military courts, and was joined by actions of solidarity and support throughout Palestine and around the world, organized by a wide array of prisoners' rights organizations. At the hearing, Sa'adat's isolation was extended by six additional months. His personal books have been confiscated and he is routinely denied access to television, newspapers or any other source of information. He continues to be denied family visits, including visits from his wife Abla. In the prison yard, Sa'adat has been held handcuffed and in ankle shackles and allowed only one-hour of exercise/recreation. All of this has been 'justified' by the occupation authorities as 'punishment' for giving two cigarettes to another prisoner.

Sa'adat met this news with a call for urgent and systematic action in Palestine and internationally to demand freedom for Palestinian prisoners, and particularly, to confront the "living death" of isolation and solitary confinement.

PA/BRITISH/US IMPRISONMENT

On August 27, 2001, PFLP General Secretary Abu Ali Mustafa was assassinated by a missile shot from an Apache helicopter by the Israeli military as he worked in his office in Ramallah. This assassination was the latest in a long line of assassinations by the Israeli state of Palestinian political leaders, a policy that continues to this day. Following the murder of Abu Ali Mustafa, Ahmad Sa'adat was elected General Secretary of the PFLP.

Rehavam Ze'evi, the tourism minister in Ariel Sharon's Israeli government, represented the Moledet party, an extreme racist party whose program is based on the expulsion and ethnic cleansing of Palestinians from all of Palestine. Ze'evi, whose long military career included involvement in the war of 1948 and the expulsion of nearly a million Palestinian refugees from their homes and lands, continued his quest to uproot the Palestinian people through the Israeli military and political system throughout his career, referring to Palestinians as "a cancer" and "lice." In retaliation for the murder of Abu Ali Mustafa, on October 17, 2001, fighters from the PFLP's armed wing assassinated Ze'evi in the Hyatt hotel in Jerusalem.

Israel continued its campaign of mass terror against the Palestinian people, attacking Palestinian cities and towns, including the town of Beit Rima, where the Israeli military killed nine Palestinians while purportedly searching for Sa'adat. Israel repeatedly demanded that the Palestinian Authority crack down on the PFLP and arrest its leaders and members, threatening the PA leadership if it refused to act on behalf of the Israeli military to repress the Palestinian resistance. Nonetheless, yielding to the demands of Israel, the U.S. and Britain, on January 15, 2002, Sa'adat attended a meeting with PA security under false pretenses, from which he was abducted and taken to the Muqata'a compound in Ramallah, then-Palestinian President Yasser Arafat's headquarters. In February 2002, four of Sa'adat's comrades in the PFLP, Ahed Ghoulmi, Majdi Rimawi, Hamdi Qu'ran and Basel al-Asmar, were also arrested by PA security services and brought to the Muqata'a.

In March and April of 2002, Israeli military forces laid siege to the Muqata'a, and as demanded by the United States and Great Britain as a condition for the end of Israel's siege of the Muqata'a, Sa'adat, Ghoulmi, Rimawi, Qu'ran, al-Asmar and Fuad Shoubaki would be transferred to the PA's prison at Jericho to be held as political prisoners.

On April 25, 2002, Ghoulmi, Rimawi, Qu'ran and al-Asmar were tried in an impromptu military court of the Palestinian Authority inside the besieged Muqata'a. With Israeli tanks directly outside the Muqata'a, Quran, Al-Asmar, Rimawi and Gholmi were tried and sentenced for the Ze'evi assassination. Despite their civilian status, the four were tried before a military court presided over by Brigadier-General Ribhi Arafat, who had no legal standing to act as a judge. They were not allowed to have attorneys or proper legal defense in a trial that took a total of two hours. No evidence, no confessions and no statements were received in order to convict the four; all were found guilty and the verdicts immediately ratified by PA President Yasser Arafat, and the four were given no right to appeal the verdicts.

Ahmad Sa'adat was never charged nor tried for any crime. After the sentencing, the four were transferred on May 1, 2002, with the uncharged and untried Sa'adat, to Jericho Prison, ostensibly under the control of the PA, but subject to the guardianship of United States and British forces. On May 2, 2002, Israeli forces withdrew from the Muqata'a. The director of the US/British "supervision" of the prisoners at Jericho Prison formerly ran the infamous Maze Detention Center for Britain in the occupied North of Ireland. The prisoners were not subject to Palestinian sovereignty and authority, but rather to the conditions and demands of the United States and Great Britain. Sa'adat and his comrades were held under difficult conditions in Jericho prison, often secluded from one another and not allowed to communicate, denied access to newspapers, books, recreation and family and other visits. Water and electricity in their cells have been turned off, and numerous other punitive measures were implemented against them by the British and U.S. guards "monitoring" the prison. In response, Sa'adat and his comrades have engaged in two hunger strikes, demanding an end to inhumane treatment and their immediate release.

The Palestinian High Court of Justice, the highest Palestinian judicial body, ruled on June 3, 2002 that Sa'adat should be released immediately. Numerous Palestinian and international human rights organizations, including Amnesty International, called for the release of Sa'adat and the implementation of Palestinian and international law. Nevertheless, Sa'adat was never released; the PA refused to comply with the orders of its own judiciary, the U.S., Britain, and Israel demanded he remain held as a political prisoner, and the PA complied with their demands. While Sa'adat was imprisoned in Jericho, on August 20, 2002, the Israeli military assasinated his brother Mohammed, illustrating the continuing campaign of assassination and murder on the part of the Israeli regime. Sa'adat - and his fellow political prisoners - remained in Jericho prison in 2006, until the Israeli siege on the prison.

PALESTINIAN POLITICAL PRISONERS

There are, today, nearly 10,000 Palestinian political prisoners held in Israeli jails. Palestinians, living under occupation and oppression for nearly sixty years, have been targeted relentlessly for imprisonment and detention for that time. Since the extension of the occupation of Palestine to the West Bank and Gaza Strip in 1967, over 650,000 Palestinians have been taken prisoner - one out of every four Palestinians from the West Bank and Gaza. Forty percent of male Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza have spent time in jail as a political prisoner, or held under administrative detention - arbitrary detention without charge. The effects of political imprisonment on Palestinian society have, thus, been massive and vast.

Palestinian political prisoners are often activists working to end the occupation of their land and the oppression of their people. In 1948, 78% of historic Palestine was conquered by Zionist armies - armies composed of Europeans who sought to establish an ethnically and religiously exclusive state on the land of Palestinian Arabs. Nearly one million Palestinians were made refugees, who have continued to struggle to attain their right to return to their homes and lands ever since. In 1967, the remaining 22% of Palestine - the West Bank and the Gaza Strip - were invaded and seized by Zionist armies, now identified as the army of the state of Israel. Many Palestinians have been working to end this brutal military occupation, obtain the return of the refugees, and liberate the land of Palestine. For that activity, they have been targeted by the occupying forces for detention and imprisonment.

Palestinian political prisoners represent every major Palestinian political organization. Dozens of members of the elected Palestinian Legislative Council are currently imprisoned. These prisoners are not held because they are charged with traditional crimes, disturbing their communities or hurting their families. They are held because they, as Palestinians, organized, acted, or fought for the freedom of their land.

Palestinians' arrest and detention are covered by Israeli military regulations; there are over 1500 of these regulations at any given time, which can be altered at any time by the Israeli military commander of the region creating new regulations to which Palestinians must adhere -or be subject to arrest, detention and imprisonment. Prisoners are transferred to Israeli facilities for holding, detention and sentencing. Although it is a violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention for these prisoners to be transported outside the parts of Palestine occupied in 1967 -the West Bank and Gaza - they are often transferred to the parts of Palestine occupied in 1948 - Israel - as 21 of 24 Israeli detention facilities are within those 1948 lines. Palestinian attorneys and family members from the West Bank and Gaza attempting to visit their clients and loved ones in prison are often turned back from the border and prohibited entry.

Because these prisoners are often extensively involved in activism and organizing, despite the horrid conditions of detention, Palestinian political prisoners have become a highly organized group, operating prisoners' associations, political organizations within the prisons and representative committees, and engaging in protests and hunger strikes that have drawn the attention of the world to their cause. Their voice within the Palestinian national movement is honored for its clarity, and for the sacrifices these prisoners have made for the freedom of their people and the liberation of their land.

Palestinian prisoners are often arrested in mass arrest campaigns; the Israeli military admits to arresting approximately 700 Palestinians on a monthly basis. Entire male populations of villages or neighborhoods may be rounded up and arrested. The use of "moderate physical pressure" in Israeli interrogations is accepted, legal and common. Legalized torture in Israeli jails includes the use of shortshackling, "stress positions" - painful positions in which a prisoner is shackled for periods of time, beatings and squeezing of handcuffs, as well as sleep deprivation, exposure to temperature extremes for extended periods of time, humiliation and threats, and many other documented tactics of abuse. In June 2003, the Palestinian Prisoners' Society estimated that 90% of Palestinian detainees were tortured while in Israeli custody, and confessions and information extracted through torture are admissible in Israeli military courts.

There are, at present, over 100 Palestinian women prisoners held in Israeli jails. Over half of the Palestinian women detainees have never been tried, and twelve of them are minors. Female prisoners who give birth find their babies imprisoned with them until the child turns two, when he or she is released to family on the outside, and pregnant female prisoners are handcuffed to their beds during labor and birth. Thousands of Palestinian children have been detained by Israel. At the age of 12, Palestinians may appear before military courts, and at the age of 16, may be tried fully as adults. There are no juvenile prisons, and Palestinian children often serve their sentences in the same cells as adults. Over 6000 Palestinian children have been detained since 2000, and there are 398 imprisoned Palestinians under 18 at the present time.

The imprisonment of Palestinian political prisoners - some of the strongest organizers, activists and leaders of Palestinian society - is a deeply felt wound in the Palestinian community. The freedom of these prisoners, imprisoned because of their desire to see their homeland free, is a necessary part of achieving justice for the Palestinian people.

Below is an interview with Ahmed Sa’adat from when he was imprisoned by Arafat’s Palestinian Authority in Jericho Prison. It is also a reminder that Arafat and his regime, although it didn’t plumb the depths that Abbas has done, also collaborated with Israel.

Leftist PFLP leader live from PA prison in Jericho

Ma'an Jericho Prison - General Secretary of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, Ahmed Sa'adat, spoke live Tuesday afternoon from Jericho's Palestinian Authority prison.

From the eastern West Bank city, the leftist PFLP leader said, "In 20 days we will be at the date to choose your PLC [Palestinian Legislative Council] members as a part of a complete operation to build the political leadership base for Palestinians and for the PLO [Palestinian Liberation Organization]."

He continued, "You must remember that your vote is your right and to do so is to remain faithful to the those killed, to the prisoners and to the needy. And it is for the workers, and the for people who lost their lands to Israel to build the Wall and the settlements that are confiscating our lands."

"On 25 January we are at the point to change our lives toward independence and freedom and toward domination."

He asked, "Will we form a democratic system to develop our rights to our full potential, for our education, health and social systems?"

"Or," Sa'adat asked, "Will we return with the same system, and worst, with all the negative phenomena? Will we return to the lawlessness, political insecurity and lack of basic security, and with the absence of the rule of law?"

Sa'adat called on all Palestinians to participate in the PLC elections. He called on them to do their "jobs and participate."

"The PFLP, from a place of commitment to social and national rights, decided to participate in the PLC elections, and formed the list called 'Abu Ali Mustafa,' out of respect to his revolutionary education, and out of respect to prisoners and to all Palestinians."

He explained that the Abu Ali Mustafa list is comprised of people who resist and who represent all aspects of Palestinian society and life.

The PFLP leader said, "We are participating in the elections under the name of a democratic and national program, which is an alternative program to that which has kept Palestinians in a difficult situation for the past several years. The new system will gather resistance and will create national stability in return. It will build a free nation with Jerusalem as its capital."

Sa'adat continued, "The new program will require international society to plan for a political project, built on achieving what exists in international law, a program that is an alternative to the negotiations based on Oslo, and will contain the older version of the new project, the Road Map."

He said, "The program is aimed to return the respect for the PLO and their role as a means to unify our society and to rebuild it based on democratic and national principles, to open the doors and to represent all Palestinian social and political perspectives."

Sa'adat continued, "It will develop the strength of the national resistance with Arab steadfastness in facing the plans of the enemies that have aimed to dominate Arab lands, and to confiscate their lives. The program will open chances for all political and social forces to participate in making decisions, and in leading society."

At the end of his speech, Ahmed Sa'adat declared, "In the name of prisoners, Palestinians outside of Palestine, Palestinians in lands inside '48, and in the name of the resistance; In the name of the pencil, the word and the rock in Palestine, Iraq and Lebanon, and in every nation that faces suffering, we begin our electoral campaign for the PLC elections."

“He may be a barbarian, but he’s our barbarian,”





“He may be a barbarian, but he’s our barbarian”. Thus spoke John Rothmann, a former President of the Zionist Organization of America, now a talk show host for KGO radio in San Francisco. It is of course a paraphrase of FDR’s description of Somoza, the dictator of Nicaragua and Israel’s good friend: ‘he may be a son of a bitch, but he’s our son of a bitch.’

One can hardly argue with Rothman. He’s Israel’s very own barbarian. Because for all the cant and hypocrisy by supporters of Israel about it being the ‘only democracy in the Middle East’, in fact Israel has a vested interest, and always has had, in the flourishing of dictatorships in the Middle East.

The reason is of course simple. Most Arabs reject the settler colonial state of Israel, what it’s done to the Palestinians, its inevitable racism and the alliance with the United States. As has been hinted at recently, if the Egyptian people come to power, any elected government would be bound to be hostile to the Camp David Accords whereby Egypt was given back the Sinai.

It is no surprise then that Jewish Voices for Peace has been described by the Israeli think-thank, the Reut Institute, as among “the top 10 anti-Israel groups in America.” Quite a compliment when you think about it. So we should be clear from now on. Israel is the primary supporter of dictatorship in the Middle East and the only democracy it knows or tolerates is within Israel itself and to its Jewish citizens primarly. But as the Jonathan Pollock case demonstrates, where a young Israeli member of Anarchists Against the Wall was jailed for riding a bike as part of a peace protest, even democracy for Jews is limited.

As Ed Corrigan, a Canadian lawyer who first distributed this wrote, ‘It is not widely publicized that the New York Times was anti-Zionist until shortly before the creation of Israel and changed its editorial position only after an advertising boycott organized by the Zionists brought the paper to its knees.’

That is, of course, true. Because however much they denounce boycotts, the Zionists were their most ardent advocates when it suited them.

Tony Greenstein

"A Jewish Group Makes Waves, Locally and Abroad, "

by DANIEL MING and AARON GLANT, New York Times, February 3, 2011


Hundreds of people, mostly Arab-Americans, are expected to gather Saturday in downtown San Francisco to support anti-government protests in Egypt, and a large contingent of Jews representing a Bay Area peace-advocacy group will join them, one of its leaders says.

“We are deeply inspired by their push for democracy and freedom,” said Cecilie Surasky, deputy director of Jewish Voice for Peace, based in Oakland.

Ms. Surasky said she hoped a new political order in Egypt would help speed the end of Israel’s occupation of the Palestinian territories, which her group opposes. The group’s views differ markedly from statements about the Egyptian protests coming from the Israeli government and many other Jewish-American organizations, which caution that the demonstrations in Cairo could ultimately threaten Israel.

The unrest in Egypt is merely the latest issue to pit a number of Bay Area activists against prominent Jewish organizations, as well as against some Israelis who have come to see the Bay Area as a locus for Jewish opposition to Israel’s government.

One prominent Israeli research organization, the Reut Institute, recently described the Bay Area as “one of the very few geographic locations that drive a global assault on Israel’s right to exist.” In October, the Anti-Defamation League placed Jewish Voice for Peace — which has called for an international boycott of companies that profit from Israel’s occupation of the Palestinian territories — among “the top 10 anti-Israel groups in America.”

The divisions have heightened tensions among Bay Area Jews. During one altercation last year, a pro-Israel activist attacked two representatives of Jewish Voice for Peace with pepper spray. Last March, Rabbi Michael Lerner, the editor of Tikkun, a bimonthly Jewish magazine based in Berkeley, received death threats, and his home was plastered with signs accusing him of “Islamo-Fascism,” after he announced that he planned to give an award to a United Nations official who led an investigation into Israel’s 2008 invasion of Gaza.

“What’s happening is outlandish; the era of civil discourse has disappeared,” said Rabbi Stephen S. Pearce of Congregation Emanu-El, San Francisco’s largest synagogue.

The activists say they are not working against Israel, but against Israeli government policies they believe are discriminatory.

In the past week, many of these activists have cast the Egyptian demonstrations as an opportunity to alter the Middle East, including Israel’s policies toward the Palestinians.

“When you look at the Middle East, in one way or another it’s all about what’s happening in Palestine,” said Barbara Lubin, co-founder of the Middle East Children’s Alliance, a group in Berkeley that organizes aid missions to Gaza, which remains under an Israeli blockade.

Ms. Lubin said she hoped that if President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt was removed, Israeli policies toward Gaza “would become more lax” and allow her organization to carry out its work in support of the Palestinians.

Rabbi Lerner has been an outspoken supporter of the demonstrators in Egypt. His recent editorial, headlined “Jewish Prayers for Egypt’s Uprising,” was the lead opinion article on the Web site of the television network Al Jazeera on Tuesday.

He said in an interview that American Jews had an interest in letting “the people of the Arab world know that a very large section of the Jewish people support the liberation of the Egyptian people and of all Arab people.”

Such views concern Israel’s defenders locally and abroad.

“Nobody defends Mubarak,” said John Rothmann, a talk show host for KGO radio in San Francisco and the former President of the Zionist Organization of America in San Francisco.

Mr. Rothmann added, however, that it was important to remember that Mr. Mubarak had maintained peace between Egypt and Israel for nearly three decades.

“He may be a barbarian, but he’s our barbarian,”

Mr. Rothmann continued. “You need to have an alternative, and we have never been able to create one.”

Eran Shayshon, a Reut Institute senior analyst, said in an e-mail that Israelis were watching Bay Area Jewish activists closely because “campus dynamics and consumer trends originating in California often reverberate throughout North America and beyond.”

In fact, Jewish Voice for Peace has grown significantly since Israel’s invasion of Gaza, its leaders say.

The 23-day operation in December 2008 and January 2009, named Operation Cast Lead by the Israel Defense Forces, left 13 Israelis and at least 1,300 Palestinians dead. It drew strong criticism that Israel used excessive force against civilians.

“Cast Lead was a radicalizing moment for a lot of Jews,” said Sydney Levy, director of campaigns for Jewish Voice for Peace.

Mr. Levy said Jewish discontent with Israel typically subsided after a conflict ended. That did not happen after the most recent Israeli incursion, he said, “mostly because the siege of Gaza continues today.”

Jewish Voice for Peace’s mailing list has risen to 100,000 from 35,000 since the start of the Gaza conflict, according to the organization; the number of chapters has grown to 27 from 7. From 2008 to 2009, the group’s operating budget, fueled by donations, grew 44 percent.

“We, as Jews, have a unique responsibility to change the viewpoint of the people who are in our community,” said Rae Abileah, a San Francisco resident and advocate for Jewish Voice for Peace’s youth wing.

Jewish Voice for Peace has been at the center of several attention-grabbing episodes.

In November, during a convention of Jewish philanthropic organizations in New Orleans, Ms. Abileah and others drew international attention when they heckled Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel during a speech.

“I’m a 28-year-old young Jewish woman, and the settlements betray Jewish values!” Ms. Abileah shouted. One man grabbed her in a chokehold while another tried to gag her by stuffing a seat cover in her mouth.

Much of the recent scrutiny of Bay Area Jewish activists has focused on efforts to impose an international boycott on Israel. The campaign is modeled after the boycott of South Africa in the 1980s over apartheid.

Last spring, students at the University of California, Berkeley, with the backing of Jewish Voice for Peace, mounted a divestment campaign singling out companies that provide “military support for the occupation of the Palestinian territories.” The effort ended after Akiva Tor, Israel’s consul general in San Francisco, came to the campus and held a private meeting with student senators.

By supporting the boycott, Jewish Voice for Peace “puts themselves beyond the pale,” wrote Mr. Shayshon of the Reut Institute, because some leaders of the boycott movement “have explicitly talked about the goal of dismantling Israel.”

Members of Jewish Voice for Peace say they are simply concerned about human rights of all peoples in the Middle East — whether in Israel, the Palestinian territories or the streets of Cairo.

“Egyptians deserve a democracy just as Americans do, just as Israelis do, just as Palestinians do,” Ms. Surasky said.

dming@baycitizen.org

aglantz@baycitizen.org


For more information see

Destruction of Palestinian Water Cisterns - Israel's Contribution to 'Peace'

It is difficult to understand the mentality of someone who deliberately destroys the access of an occupied civilian to that most basic of necessities – water. But then we know that given their Nazi-like mentality, the settlers consider the Palestinians as less than human. In this they are not alone of course. The Israeli State has followed, both in Gaza and on the West Bank, a policy of depriving the occupied population of access to water.

Palestinians cannot sink wells down to the water aquifers, unlike the settlers, who constitute maybe 15% of the population, who take 80% of the water of the West Bank. In Gaza most of the water is unclean and, as the article makes clear, this causes illnesses and the death of children. This is the real price of the Gazan blockade, falling as it does on the poorest sections of the population.

The settlers learnt their lessons well from traditional persecutors of the Jews. Such is the ‘Jewish’ State.

Tony Greenstein

Stopping the Water

Palestine Monitor 7 September 2010

At 7:00 am in the morning, the Israelis arrived too late to help a poor farmer. The men with guns were already there, sitting on the farmer’s well.

An argument broke out in Hebrew between the settlers and the Israeli human rights group Taayush. Every week, they enter the West Bank to work alongside Palestinians threatened by settlers and soldiers.

Both groups broke the rules of Shabat: settlers and activists used video cameras and cell phones as tempers rose with the temperature. One settler sat silently behind black sunglasses, a handgun tucked into his pants and a large machine gun hanging across his chest. Behind the escalating debate, the Palestinian farmer packed up his water house and readied his empty water tanker for the road home.

The army arrived soon after, slowly climbing the hill in the early dawn light, wearing olive-green uniforms, black boots and big rifles. The squad numbered fifteen when they finally confronted Taayush and told them to leave - the farmer had not scheduled the water pumping.

“The Army has an obligation to maintain the Palestinians access to their land - it should not be a precondition to schedule access,” said Dolev Rahat, a Taayush member. “It is completely and utterly in violation of the law, and in this situation we decided not to go along with it.”

The army surrounded the group as the settlers mounted the ridge. They stood and watched the soldiers and activists argue, comfortable in their immunity from the law.

“Israeli settlers, unlike Palestinians in the West Bank, are not subject to Israeli military law and the army, though usually present near settlements, does not arrest settlers; rather, the soldiers have often made it clear that their task is to protect the settlers, not Palestinians... Palestinians may complain to the Israeli police, but their complaints are rarely followed up and many Palestinians do not report settler attacks for fear of retaliation,”
according to Troubled Waters, a report by Amnesty International.

A police officer came and escorted the activists to a van where they were then driven to a detention center. The activists were not charged, ordered to keep out of the general area for ten days, and released within hours.

The well at Bir Al-Eid reflects a greater policy not just In the south Hebron hills, but throughout the West Bank: a devastating program of thirst enacted by the occupation. By either direct actions or indirect bureaucratic controls, water is withheld, and impoverished Palestinians pay exorbitant water prices, migrate, sicken, or die.

Water’s primacy makes it a pressure point in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Settlers have not just sat on wells - they have specifically targeted Palestinian water sources like wells, pumps and cisterns and destroyed them throughout the West Bank. During Operation Cast Lead, the 2009 invasion of Gaza, the army destroyed water sanitation plants, pumps and other water infrastructure. But the destitution of Palestine’s water happens every day of the occupation.

“In the past eight years the water tanks on the roofs of Palestinian houses have been frequently targeted by Israeli soldiers for no apparent reason other, than, it would seem, shooting practice,” according to Amnesty International. “Tens, possibly hundreds, of thousands of water tanks have been shot at and damaged – many beyond repair. In some neighborhoods virtually every water tank has at least one bullet hole visible.”

Ninety-five percent of Gaza doesn’t have access to clean, reliable water, according to Israeli human rights organization B’Tselem. The population resorts to polluted sources, with horrendous consequences. The United Nations Environmental Program reported high levels of nitrate in the Gazan water supplies, and found the odorless, tasteless contaminant effects methemoglobinaemia - a blood disorder causing children’s hands, lips and feet to turn blue. These “blue babies” have chocolate-brown blood, respiratory difficulties, and die frequently from high nitrate levels.

The water relationship between the Israelis and Palestinians is legally defined by the second Oslo Agreement Article 40: Israeli is required to support water development in the West Bank and Gaza. But, according to a 2009 Palestinian Water Authority statement, while “keeping this recognition only on paper”, the Israelis effected control on Palestine’s water sources by keeping wells, treatment facilities and irrigation schemes shelved and by virtually blocking the Jordan River.

“This is the big problem of the occupation,” said Baha’ Ishaq, a researcher at the Palestinian Wildlife Society. “There is a lot of water, but the Israelis control everything [with] the water.

Jordan, Syria and Israel divert most of the flow of the Jordan River. What does trickle down the historically verdant valley is mostly sludge so unclean the Friends of the Earth Middle East has warned pilgrims not to baptise in it. Downstream, all is drying up. The Dead Sea is in effect dying - shrinking a meter annually. The old Jericho Biological Garden is an arid ruin. The millions of birds who depend on the Jordan Valley for their international migration between Africa and Asia now perch on parched earth.

“If the Israelis give us permission [to drill wells] then there is no problem,” Baha’ said, who lives in Beit Sahoor near Bethlehem. “We didn’t have water for twenty days this summer.”

Behind the office of the Palestinian Wildlife Society in Beit Sahoor, across a olive tree-speckled valley, looms a well-watered settlement. The hill was once covered in forest, full of animals like hyena whose populations now dwindle behind the separation wall in a land increasingly barren. In the southern Hebron hills, water thefts are increasingly common, cisterns and wells are consistently demolished by Israeli forces, and many go thirsty. Yet the settlers’ water flows freely.

“In complete contrast in the area - the [settlements] are not only connected to running water and energy but enjoy subsidies,” Rahat said.

Taayush will visit Bir El-Eid’s again, to pump the farmer’s water. But just a few settlers can simply sit and stop the flow, above the law and bent on desiccating Judea and Samaria of Palestinians.

ST McNeil reporting from Bir Al-Eid and Beit Sahoor.

3 February 2011

The Egyptian Counter-Revolution Has Begun as Hamas and the PA Support Mubarak

The Half-Finished Revolutions

The Uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt are beginning to look like half-completed revolutions. The tyrants themselves have either been forced to flee or promises not to continue in office but the structure of state power and in particular the armed forces have not so far been dismantled. That is the task of the peoples of Egypt and Tunisia.

Egypt, the centre of American power in the Middle East after Israel itself, is a pivotal power, straddling the Suez Canal and the key Arab country in the region. The coming to power of the assassinated Sadat and then Mubarak, cemented western and Zionist interests in the Middle East. Resting as they do on the oppression of the Arab masses. And Egypt possesses a particularly vicious, corrupt and cruel regime in which torture is used routinely against dissidents.

The achievements of the demonstrators in Cairo, Alexandria, Port Said, Suez and many other places is a magnificent one in having faced off the massed forces of the police, who last week told Mubarak that they couldn’t disperse crowds above 70,000. What the demonstrators have lacked though is an agreed political consensus on how to finish the job. Having successfully made it clear to the Army generals, who are equally complicit in Mubarak’s long reign of terror, that their troops could not be relied on to mow down the demonstrators, they failed to turn the soldiers against their senior officers and clearly had illusions in the role of the army. But the army has long since abandoned all intention of confronting Israel. It is nearly 40 years since they were last in a military confrontation with Israel. Their role since then has been to underpin Mubarak and the generals are also up to their ears in corruption.

The Egyptian working class is the most militant and important socially in the Middle East. If the struggle against Mubarak and his US sponsors is to be taken to a successful conclusion then it is essential that the movement against Mubarak doesn’t allow itself to be diverted into liberal channels by backing Mohammed el-Baradei, the Nobel laureatte who was previous head of the Atomic Energy Authority.

Hamas Shows Its True Colours

Revolution in Egypt is a precursor to revolution in the Middle East and the overthrow of Zionism. I have reported how the quisling Palestinian Authority has done its best to prevent anti-Mubarak demonstrations in Ramallah. What I didn’t expect is that Hamas, which is effectively the Gazan wing of the Egyptian Moslem Brotherhood would do likewise.

We can assume that Iran’s Ahmedinajad and Kahmeini, Hamas’s backers, are none too pleased at the example of the overthrow of other tyrants in the Middle East. Having only narrowly survived rigging the Presidential poll last year they don’t want a repeat performance in Iran. But as I’ve always said, Hamas would welcome the opportunity of a peace deal with Israel and a coming to terms with Egypt and the Arab regimes. What stops them is not its ‘anti-Semitism’ but the fact that Israel has no wish for any independent movement that is not wholly compliant to come to power in Gaza. Gaza is reputed to have large gas fields offshore and Israel certainly doesn’t want them falling into the hands of Palestinians.

But also any Islamic party which seeks power will inevitably use its religion as a legitimation of repression. After all one can hardly go back 14 centuries. That is effected by imposing social norms such as the veil and clamping down on any expressions of freedom or liberation.

Clashes rage in Tahrir Square

At least three people are believed to have died and more than 1,500 others injured in continuing clashes between pro- and anti-government demonstrators in the Egyptian capital Cairo.

Protesters from both sides fought pitched battles on Wednesday in Tahrir [Liberation] Square, the epicentre of ongoing opposition demonstrations against Hosni Mubarak for the past nine days.

An Al Jazeera correspondent, reporting from just outside the square late at night, said dozens of pro-Mubarak supporters had erected barricades on either side of a road, trapping the pro-democracy supporters. They were gathering stones, breaking streetlights and using balaclavas to cover their faces, apparently in preparation for a fresh standoff with the pro-democracy crowd.

Our correspondent said local residents thought the men preparing for the standoff were police officers but the claim could not be independently confirmed.

Just hours earlier, an Al Jazeera online producer reporting from near Tahrir Square said: "Someone - a few people actually - were dropping homemade bombs into the square from the buildings surrounding it."

Gunshots were also regularly ringing out of the square.

The Reuters news agency reported quoting officials that three people were killed in Wednesday's violence. It also quoted a doctor at the scene as saying that more than 1,500 had been injured.

'Absolute mayhem'

Witnesses also said that pro-Mubarak supporters were dragging away protesters they had managed to grab and handing them over to security forces.

Salma Eltarzi, an anti-government protester, told Al Jazeera there were hundreds of wounded people.

"There are no ambulances in sight, and all we are using is Dettol," she said. "We are all so scared."

Aisha Hussein, a nurse, said dozens of people were being treated at a makeshift clinic in a mosque near the square.

She described a scene of "absolute mayhem", as protesters first began to flood into the clinic.

"People are coming in with multiple wounds. All kinds of contusions. We had one guy who needed stitches in two places on his face. Some have broken bones."

Mustafa Hussein, a physician who was treating the injured at a makeshift hospital near Liberation Square, told Al Jazeera that most of the injured protesters "coming in today are suffering from head injuries resulting from rocks being thrown at them".

Meanwhile, another Al Jazeera correspondent said men on horseback and camels had ploughed into the crowds, as army personnel stood by.

At least six riders were dragged from their beasts, beaten with sticks by the protesters and taken away with blood streaming down their faces.

One of them was dragged away unconscious, with large blood stains on the ground at the site of the clash.

The worst of the fighting was just outside the world famous Egyptian Museum, which was targeted by looters last week.

Al Jazeera's correspondent added that a group of pro-government protesters took over army vehicles. They also took control of a nearby building and used the rooftop to throw concrete blocks, stones, and other objects.

Soldiers surrounding the square took cover from flying stones, and the windows of at least one army truck were broken. Some troops stood on tanks and appealed for calm but did not otherwise intervene.

Many of the pro-Mubarak supporters raised slogans like "Thirty Years of Stability, Nine Days of Anarchy".

Violence

Al Jazeera's Jane Dutton, also in Cairo, said that security guards have also been seen amongst the pro-Mubarak supporters, and it may be a precursor to the feared riot police arriving on the scene.

Dutton added that a journalist with the Al-Arabiya channel was stabbed during the clashes.

Fighting took place around army tanks deployed around the square, with stones bouncing off the armoured vehicles.

Several groups were involved in fist fights, and some were using clubs. The opposition also said many among the pro-Mubarak crowd were policemen in plain clothes.

"Members of security forces dressed in plain clothes and a number of thugs have stormed Tahrir Square," three opposition groups said in a statement.
Mohamed ElBaradei, a prominent opposition figure, accused Mubarak of resorting to scare tactics. Opposition groups have reportedly also seized police identification cards amongst the pro-Mubarak demonstrators.

"I'm extremely concerned, I mean this is yet another symptom, or another indication, of a criminal regime using criminal acts," ElBaradei said.

"My fear is that it will turn into a bloodbath," he added, calling the pro-Mubarak supporters a "bunch of thugs".

ElBaradei has also urged the army to intervene.

"I ask the army to intervene to protect Egyptian lives," he told Al Jazeera, adding he said it should intervene "today" and not remain neutral.

Determined protesters

Despite the clashes, anti-government protesters seeking Mubarak's immediate resignation said they would not give up until Mubarak steps down.

Khalil, in his 60s and holding a stick, blamed Mubarak supporters and undercover security for the clashes.

"But we will not leave," he told Reuters. "Everybody stay put."

Mohammed el-Belgaty, a member of the Muslim Brotherhood, told Al Jazeera the "peaceful demonstrations in Tahrir Square have been turned into chaos".

"The speech delivered by President Mubarak was very provocative as he used very sentimental words.

"Since morning, hundreds of these paid thugs started to demonstrate pretending to be supporting the President. Now they came to charge inside Tahrir Square armed with batons, sticks and some knives.

"Mubarak is asking the people to choose between him or chaos."

Ahead of Wednesday's clashes, supporters of the president staged a number of rallies around Cairo, saying Mubarak represented stability amid growing insecurity, and calling those who want his departure "traitors."

"Yes to Mubarak, to protect stability," read one banner in a crowd of 500 gathered near state television headquarters, about 1km from Tahrir Square.

A witness said organisers were paying people $17, to take part in the pro-Mubarak rally, a claim that could not be confirmed.

Other pro-Mubarak demonstrations occurred in the Mohandeseen district, as well as near Ramses Square.

Source: Al Jazeera and agencies

Hamas blocks Egypt solidarity demonstrations in Gaza, says rights group

Human Rights Watch reports that Gazan police thwarted local efforts to protest Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak.

Hamas authorities prevented demonstrations in the Gaza Strip aimed at showing solidarity with anti-government protesters in Egypt, Human Rights Watch said late Monday.

Throngs of Egyptians have taken to the streets in the last week demanding the ouster of President Hosni Mubarak, in what observers are calling the largest protest movement to sweep the country in the last quarter-century. Egyptian security services have tried to stem the wave of unrest, to no avail.

Police arrested six women and threatened to arrest some 20 other would-be demonstrators who arrived at a park in Gaza City in response to a Facebook-planned demonstration, the group said citing witnesses. Police allegedly ordered the women to sign pledges not participate in unsanctioned demonstrations, witnesses told the human rights group.

"The Hamas authorities should stop arbitrarily interfering with peaceful demonstrations about Egypt or anything else," said Sarah Leah Whitson, Human Rights Watch's Middle East director. The ruling Islamist group has so far been reluctant to comment on the demonstrations in Egypt demanding the ouster of President Hosni Mubarak.

On January 20, a group of young people in Ramallah who wanted to demonstrate their support for the Tunisians were thwarted by Palestinian Authority police.

After organizing themselves using Facebook and e-mail, they informed the police 48 hours in advance of their intention to gather in Manara Square - only to learn that public demonstrations in support of the Tunisian people had been forbidden.

Some of the young people arrived at the square anyway, at the scheduled time. When one of them was seen carrying a Tunisian flag, policemen rushed over and dispersed the crowd.

Demonstrators in front of the Egyptian Embassy in north Tel Aviv on Friday expressed support for the anti-government protests taking place in Egypt and demanded that President Hosni Mubarak resign immediately.

A few dozen young people of various faiths carried Egyptian, Palestinian and Tunisian flags aloft, held signs in Arabic and Hebrew and chanted slogans denouncing the Mubarak regime. Israeli police kept a watchful eye from across the street but did not interfere.

See also Angry Arab on The lousy Hamas government’ and Hamas worried upheaval in Arab world will spill into Gaza